Mutabazi Sam Stewart

WHY UGANDA SHOULD BRACE FOR HIGH PRICES OF FOOD FOR A LONG TIME

2012-01-24T01:23:00.001-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

The global recession is about to be brought to a successful end thanks to good macro economic policies by the new administration in the United States of America. Economists in developing countries including Uganda waited with abated breath wondering how the credit crunch would affect their fragile economies. Some argued that it would only be a matter of time before the depression would spread to our country while others reasoned that given the fact that a country like Uganda is not yet a highly monetized economy, the impact of the crunch would not have the same shock it had on well developed economies in the Western World. Today we can state with certainty that the credit crunch is waning having had a slight brunt on Uganda’s economy.

Economies world wide react to depressions differently. The world has witnessed various economic slumps during the last one hundred years although the most pronounced have been that of 1920’s and the current one that peaked in 2008. In between these periods however there were intermittent shocks and distresses with varying magnitudes. Some have been handled by technocrats without allowing the world to get to know about their extent.

Although Uganda did not experience the true recession as some people had anticipated, no body in government should claim that the crunch did not happen here because of any preconditioned policies and programmes that shielded us from the depression spank. It is true that the crunch did not affect our financial institutions because very few are engaged in mortgages. It did not affect our industries because most of them do not directly rely on inputs from the developed countries which were experiencing the real chomp.

The direct effect however came in the form of increased prices of food throughout the country brought about by the hike in international oil prices. Analysts are already predicting that the price of food in Uganda may never normalize to the former cost that most of us had been accustomed to for a very long time. Prior to 2008, Uganda perhaps, was one of the few countries in the world with the lowest prices of food. All this has been altered and is likely to remain so for quite a long time. As readers may recall, during peak harvest period, one would buy a bunch of Matooke at as little as 1000 shilling or less especially in villages. As of today, you can not get the same bunch at twice this amount even in the most remote part of western Uganda, the leading Matooke producing area in the country.

This state of affairs is explained by largely two factors; namely the credit crunch and secondly by a general decrease in production of food in the entire country. The former is not as strong a factor as the latter. It is critical that policy makers in government take careful procedures to address the problem of food shortage in Uganda before it gets out of hand. What has happened is that, of late, there is an unprecedented movement of persons from rural areas into towns and cities by young energetic persons. Majority of them are engaged in petty business but mainly in boda boda business. In effect this means that the people who would have provided the much needed labour to produce the food, have instead migrated in search of other jobs which are considered “superior” to farming using the traditional hand hoe.

The little food that is being produced by the few, (moreover old and weak) farmers that remain in the villages can not satisfy the demand from the ever increasing numbers of people in towns. This in itself would not be a problem if there was a premeditated plan by government to encourage people to start large scale mechanized farming that is capable of meeting the food needs of the country both during and out of season. Large scale farming in Uganda is very difficult to implement because of continued land fragmentation that makes it almost impossible to get one whole piece of land that favors such type of agriculture. Indeed, it is hard today to get free land, say of 1000 acres, in the western and central parts of Uganda without human settlement. Therefore, if our agriculture sector no longer has small holder farmers because of rural-urban migration, and at the same time our land tenure system does not support large scale farming, the obvious, which unfortunately has already happened will continue to ensue until the same people who flocked into towns go back to where the came from or government implements a not-so-popular maneuver of pushing people off the land enmass to release it for large scale agriculture and farming. In the meantime, while the credit crunch shall be history in a few months or years to come in the countries like USA, Uganda shall have its share of a serious depression that may last longer and is difficult to deal with because of no other reason than not acting in good time.

THE TRIALS AND TRIBULATIONS OF PRINT MEDIA IN UGANDA

2011-12-12T01:55:00.000-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Uganda’s print media industry has grown tremendously in a relatively short period of time compared to other countries within the region. The New Vision, Uganda’s leading daily sells up to 35,000 copies every day. Its annual turn over is approximately 40 billion shillings. Established in 1986, the New Vision has witnessed a steady growth from a time when it virtually didn’t have any competitor to early 1990’s when the Monitor (now Daily Monitor) entered the market. The Daily Monitor sales are estimated at 25,000-30,000 each day. Print media in Uganda has overtaken that of neighboring Tanzania in terms of quality and content but not in circulation. Uganda’s print media is currently sold in all the five member states of the East African Community (EAC) although the sales outside Uganda are still meager. The New Vision again leads in selling most copies with up to 2000 copies sold in Kenya everyday. Rwanda is the second consumer of Ugandan newspapers after Kenya because of its historical links with Uganda. Burundi buys the least number of newspapers from Uganda among the EAC member countries.

The Daily Nation of Kenya which is the largest circulating newspaper in East Africa selling in excess of 200,000 copies every day has achieved this feat because of among other reasons, its long history having been established in 1958, and continuous improvement in its content, design and innovation. Ugandan newspapers still have a long way to go in spite of the successes so far achieved. According to media analysts the reasons why Uganda’s newspapers sales are still low has been due to small urban elite population that can afford to buy a newspapers plus the high cost of the newspapers. The cost of producing each copy of a newspaper in Uganda is still high compared to the same in developed countries. Although all daily newspapers are printed locally, the quality of printing has not yet reached the standard of Kenya and South Africa.

There are very many newspapers which begin business in Uganda each year. But a few survive beyond their first anniversary. The rate at which newspapers start is possibly higher than the rate at which they close. Some publications do not even stay around long enough to be known by a considerable number of people in Kampala. It takes a lot of planning and determination to keep a publication coming out on the streets as scheduled. Publications (newspapers and magazines) mainly depend on revenue generated from advertisers. But advertisers may not easily choose a medium (read print media) that has not been tested by its track record of consistency. A newspaper that does not coherently address itself to the requirements of both its readers and advertisers may find it challenging to keep in circulation for a long time.

Apart from advertisers, a publication’s survival almost solely depends on its content and how the same is packaged for the public to appreciate and get the confidence that what they get through buying or advertising in such a paper will give them the leverage over other competing publications. The other determining factor of newspaper circulation is the population within a country. China, Japan and India have the largest number of newspapers by average circulation because of their high population density. Yumiuri Shimbum of Japan with an average daily circulation of 14 Million copies is by far the best selling newspaper in the world and has held this position for more than five years now. Of course coupled with big numbers of people is the standard of living in a given country. The higher the standard of living a country enjoys, the more likely its people can afford to buy newspapers and vice versa.

No publication can claim to achieve its audience’s (readers’) expectations all the time. Society’s needs and aspirations are always changing. A newspaper which therefore relies on present circumstances to consider that it has a fair share of readers and advertisers and does less to reinvent itself through well-thought-out innovative ventures may slowly but surely sink over time. Editors of newspapers spend sleepless nights thinking of how they can tell a story as differently as possible and in an interesting mode as it can get. They put a lot of pressure on their reporters and writers which leads to stressful lives for the latter. It is challenging to write a good story. It is even more challenging to write interesting stories consistently. Every publication needs highly motivated writers who are willing to go the extra mile of delivering a message to the public that would leave both the writer and the reader satisfied that the former has done their best while the latter yarns for more pieces that offer good reading.

It is interesting to note that newspaper and magazine editors are well aware when their publication has not lived up to the expectations of the public. For instance there are times when a person buys one of the major dailies in Uganda and gets a sense of betrayal because they feel they did not get the worth of their money. Some newspapers may for example have more of advertisements that news. This is abnormal since readers generally are interested in news than advertisements. A very small percentage of people buy newspapers to read advertisements unless they are advertising job and vacancies or it is the people who placed those advertisements and want to check that they were produced correctly.

The print industry in Uganda is likely to continue growing but will have to put up with the challenge of facing steep competition from radio, internet and television. As more people get access to internet, a good number of them will choose to read the news from the net while others may opt for radio as their major source of information. Newspapers are going to find themselves in an unenviable situation of whether to publish their news on the internet and allow people to read it free of charge or withhold it to force them to buy printed copies which would mean losing out on possible advertisers on the newspaper websites. Whichever trend the print media chooses to take there are likely to be obstacles brought about due to information age and globalization. It is survival for the fittest.

UNRA’S THREE YEAR JOURNEY CARRYING UGANDA’S ROAD BURDEN

2011-11-08T09:46:00.000-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

UNRA was established by an Act of Parliament as an autonomous entity three years ago with a mandate of managing the national road network on behalf of the government. UNRA’s mandate is not an easy task. The public expects quite a lot from the institution irrespective of the constraints it may face. UNRA is a young institution that faces an enormous assignment of developing and maintaining our roads in a better condition. It inherited a poor road network from the Ministry of Works and Transport which was at that time overwhelmed by the ever increasing criticism from the public about poor performance. As UNRA started on its long journey, skeptics wondered whether it would be up to the task. To address the most pressing challenge at that moment, the government of Uganda allocated 1.1 trillion shilling to the roads sub sector during the financial year 2008/2009. Although inadequate resources were the most significant hindrance at that time it was not the only problem the sector had to deal with. Policy considerations and questions were bound to arise as to whether the new organization had the capacity to absorb the allocated funds and deliver the best job worth the money. UNRA’s capacity has thus greatly been improved in the last three years of its existence with administrative, financial structural and planning systems of the organization already in place. UNRA has improved planning, programming and execution of maintenance works as exemplified by the number of roads it has so far completed and those under consideration.

Uganda has never witnessed the current levels of road construction since independence. There is serious work going on almost in every part of the country. Up to 1000 Km of roads have been constructed in the three years of UNRA’s existence. Old roads have been rehabilitated and maintenance works are being done on schedule unlike before. The challenge will be on whether government will continue to support the sector for a long to guarantee complete recovery of the sub sector. On the flip side, development partners, the public and other interested parties are looking at UNRA to provide an efficient road transport infrastructure. This will however depend on how much funding will consistently be earmarked and actually disbursed to UNRA in a consistent and sustained manner for long term planning commitments and implementation.

New Minister, New Budget
Expectations are high about the new minister of Works & Transport Eng. Abraham Byandala who replaces the long serving Eng. John Nasasira. Hon Byandala brings a lot of experience in the ministry and a lot is expected of him. He is expected to provide the required guidance and support to not only national roads development but also enhancement of District Urban and Community Access Roads (DUCAR) which are currently in a very poor state.

The 2011/2012 budget has once again placed emphasis on interventions in transport infrastructure to enhance an enabling environment for business and improving the effectiveness of government. Government has pledged to continue to consolidate the work undertaken in previous financial years to improve and further develop Uganda’s road network and to reduce the backlog of outstanding works. In accordance with governments continued interest in addressing the critical development challenges that constrain rapid transformation of the economy shillings 1,219.41 billion was allocated towards upgrading key road projects in various parts of the country. The much awaited construction of the second bridge on River Nile in Jinja that is estimated to cost $102 million is to begin during this financial year. The government also promises to embark on a programme for expansion of key highways leading to and from Kampala in an effort to decongest the city.

Why roads are the preferred means of transport
The Ministry of Works & Transport and by extension government has been variously accused of focusing too much on road transport at the expense of other means of transport. This is true and it has a basis. Over 90% of cargo and passengers in Uganda move by road. Road transport accounts for more than 90% of the country’s transport needs. In nominal terms the road network carries an average 40,000 million passenger –km per year compared with 9 million passenger –m by air, 6 million passenger –km by water and non by rail. Therefore road transport is by far the commonest and most readily available means of travel for most Ugandans. Although railway would be a cheaper option especially linking the country to the ort of Mombasa for important export trade purposes, the cost of investment in the same venture quite prohibitive. But even though government was to consider other means of transport, investment in road would be an option that would not be ignored because of its importance and practical advantage.

Cost of Construction of Roads
The cost of constructing a new road has been increasing both locally and internationally. This is an issue that UNRA and government can not ignore. The public is alarmed at the exorbitant rates quoted to deliver a kilometer of paved (tarmacked) road. Strategies must be sought by UNRA to reduce these costs without compromising the quality of the road product. Specifically, UNRA may need to promote appropriate types of technology and undertake research in new technologies in construction and maintenance of roads. UNRA should also be able to become more adaptable to new changes and thus embrace global best practices. The International Road Federation (IRF) has for instance been advising developing countries that they should consider sourcing a significant proportion of imported materials like Fossil Fuel (Bitumen/Asphalt) and cement based products to reduce on scarce foreign exchange resources. UNRA has already had a pilot project of using locally made pavers (instead of bitumen) in construction of one of the roads in central region. Working with development partners UNRA is also commencing the construction of the Mabara-Kikagati road on a Design-and-Build arrangement as a pilot project to avoid inadequacies cited in modes of tendering of works. All these are commendable efforts that should be greatly encouraged.

Entebbe Express Highway
The soon-to-be constructed Entebbe Express Highway promises to be one of the hallmarks in a modern Uganda. UNRA has already assured parliament that it is up to the task of delivering the road in the specified time frame. Although it is to be financed and constructed by the Chinese government, supervision and monitoring will be done by UNRA to ensure value for money and prescribed design attainment. The total cost of the road is expected to be $450 million financed by Exim Bank. Once completed, the road will be one of the most treasured infrastructural assets for Uganda for a long time to come.

Lack of Capacity for local Contractors
The issue of local contractors complaining that most construction jobs are awarded to foreign companies has been raised severally by local companies. They have been alleging that instead of government giving them tenders so that they can develop their capacity; it is always foreign ones that get the tenders. Government was torn between giving work to local companies and risk getting shoddy results or giving it to foreign ones thereby killing the local initiatives. Local private construction companies are still weak and not well developed. They lack the capacity to undertake civil and contractual work on a wide scale. Earth moving equipment and other inputs which are vital in road construction are very expensive on the international market. Very few local contractors can indeed afford to purchase a machine such as Single Drum Hydrostatic Vibratory Roller that costs more that $1 Million at factory price. The Tire Roller costs more than $1.5 Million while the Motor Grader costs up to $2 Million. All these equipments are vital in road construction. Any construction company worth its name would at least have these as the basic equipment for it to win any tender to construct a national road. It should be noted that majority of local contractors do not even possess a Motor Grader or a Pipe Layer.

Road construction is an expensive venture both on the part of the contractor and UNRA. It is upon contractors to ensure that they purchase these critical equipments in order to be considered for major construction work. As the saying goes “a farmer without a basic implement such as a hoe cannot be expected to till their garden” and neither does a road construction company without a basic machine as a Motor Grader. This calls for specific intervention to build the capacity of the contractors so that they can compete on favourable terms with international road contractors and consultants. Good enough, the Cross Roads Programme sponsored by DFID has come in to specifically support local contractors by building their capacity and helping them to access credit from financial institutions. It is hoped that in the medium to long term we shall have local contractors that are reliable in completing works and delivering according to contractual obligations.

According to the National Construction Industry (NCI) Policy government has also committed itself to develop and strengthen the capacity of local Contractors, Consultants, Suppliers and Manufacturers for effective participation in the construction industry. It will also facilitate the setting up of a Plant Hire Pool. Government has most importantly through cabinet approved the principles to establish the Uganda Construction Industry Commission (UCICO) whose mandate is to regulate and coordinate the construction industry in the country. The Road Industry Council (RIC) which is a precursor to UCICO is soon to begin operations and will seek to improve institutional framework and come up with strategies to develop and build the capacity of local construction enterprise.

Road Safety
Road safety remains a sticking issue for road transportation in Uganda. Approximately 2,500 people lose their lives every year in road carnage. Road accidents increased from 18,200 in 2008 to 22,699 in 2009. Some people have argued that the new good roads being constructed are likely to increase accidents. It should be noted that accidents are not caused by good roads but rather by poorly designed roads. For instance on the two leading “killer roads”, of Jinja and Masaka certain notorious spots, dangerous corners and bends have been identified as the major contributor to accidents in addition to the narrowness of these and other roads. Studies have for instance shown that once Kampala-Jinja road is made dual carriageway, the number of accidents on the same road are likely to reduce by over 80%. Hardly will there be any head-on collision on the road because vehicles will not get anywhere into close contact with each other for those moving in either directions. The National Road Safety Authority is soon becoming fully operational and shall spearhead campaigns geared at sensitizing the public on safe usage of roads and coming up with other mechanisms to address the problem.

Bridges
The poor road network in the country in the past years was also manifested in poor maintenance of bridges. Some bridges that were constructed before independence have collapsed while others are in extremely poor conditions. Again because of inadequate resources, it was not possible to remedy the situation. Bridges that were designed for certain axle loads were left to the mercy of motorists who would sometimes load the vehicles with more weight than what the bridge could withstand. When one bridge could collapse an alternative route (which in most cases made the route longer), would be used by motorists. Other times, entire regions could be cut off completely especially when such an area was served by one major road link. Bridges are part of the road network and UNRA has so far rehabilitated several of them including the two famous bridges of Awoja and Aswa that were in poor shape. Routine maintenance of these and other bridges is expected to be done in order not to revert to the old status.

Axle Road Control & Weighbridges
The risk of overloading of heavy vehicles might contribute to pre-mature pavement failure. This was mitigated through construction of weighbridges at strategically important locations to reduce damage to pavements. The transfer of axle load control from MOWT to UNRA put the responsibility under an organ that has direct interest of ensuring that heavy goods vehicles comply with the permissible axle and gross vehicle loads. Axle road control has been an international issue that has been embraced by governments world-wide to prolong the lifespan of roads. Countries without strict axle road control measures suffer road deterioration more than those that strictly enforce the rule. East African Community (EAC) member states including Uganda have embraced the idea and negotiations are in advanced stages to harmonize the axle load such that vehicles that transit across boarders do not have to be subjected to varying axle limits. It is expected that the weighbridges which were at one time suspended by former minister Hon Nasasira because of mismanagement will be reintroduced and a new system of managing them well shall be put in place.

Ferries (Road Bridges)
People who live near lakes and rivers are supposed to connect to other areas neighboring them or to the mainland (for those in Lake Victoria islands) by use of ferries which link to the nearest landing site. Deficiencies and constraints include the fact that shoreline infrastructure has been largely basic and dilapidated. Land and water access to landing sites has often been poor and remote and vessels have been in poor condition and yet overlooked. The short distance road vehicle ferries across rivers and lakes acting as “road bridges” between adjacent parts of the road network and a recently introduced regular shipping service between Nakiwogo (near Entebbe) and Lutoboka on the Ssese Islands. UNRA currently is in charge of eight ferries countrywide. The Obonji Ferry in Adjumani district is one of the latest acquisitions by UNRA which has eased transport means of the residents in this area.

UNRA’s take over of City Roads
The discussion about UNRA taking over and managing Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) roads is not yet concluded. Although government had earlier announced that UNRA would be in charge, this is yet to be officially communicated. Kampala roads remain in a very sorry state and so are the roads in other urban centres in the country. Uganda is fast becoming an urban country because of the rate at which town councils are growing. At the centre of urban development is the notion of urban planning. If UNRA is to manage city roads therefore, it must ensure that it does systematic planning to determine and demarcate current and future road routes. It must also involve other relevant stakeholders including the public in the planning process so as to make it inclusive. A well planned road network for Kampala will also address the problem of traffic jams that are threatening to become endemic in the city.

Conclusion
It is not only government that recognizes the importance of transport sector and specifically roads in the development of this country. Eleven development partners including the European Union (EU) and DFID have agreed to provide budget support for transport infrastructure development in Uganda. They have done this however on condition that that the Ministry of Works develops a Joint Assessment Framework (JAF) that provides indicators and actions against which the sector is assessed on an annual basis. UNRA is supposed to provide information to its mother ministry on its performance on a quarterly and annual basis which should show whether our roads are getting better. UNRA should also be aware that, the general public expects quite a lot from the agency. To a lay person, the resources allocated to UNRA may seem too much. This calls for prudent action by management and staff of UNRA to exhibit the highest levels of transparency and accountability of all funds they receive. Unlike other services provided by other sectors, roads are physical infrastructure thus the public can easily monitor the progress of the actual works and determine the extent of UNRA’s performance. It doesn’t need a technocrat to pronounce a road poor. The public is eagerly waiting for the results and it is the responsibility of UNRA to devise means of proving its worth by delivering on what it has promised Ugandans in accordance with its vision that says “To operate a safe, efficient and well developed national road network” The three years of UNRA so far have however been quite resourceful and we think that things will keep on getting better every passing year.

The writer is the Executive Director of Uganda Road Sector Support Initiative (URSSI)

THE BEGINNING OF THE END OF UGANDA’S POOR ROADS

2011-05-26T03:19:00.001-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart
Roads are an integral part of the transport system. A country’s road network should be efficient in order to maximize economic and social benefits. They play a significant role in achieving national development and contributing to the overall performance and social functioning of the community. It is acknowledged that roads enhance mobility, taking people out of isolation and therefore poverty. In China for instance, the government has popularized this belief by emphasizing that for any economy to develop, transport must start off first which will later stimulate other sectors to develop in an orderly fashion.
Apart from health and education, the next important sector any country should invest the largest chunk of her resources is that of transport. But even within the transport sector government should put more resources in roads because they are the most critical in terms of internal and cross boarder trade and human movement. In contributing to community’s broad economic, social and environmental goals, the principal role of the road system is to facilitate interaction between people and the exchange of goods and services by providing effective equitable land-based accessibility to a wide range of places and by enabling safe reliable mobility of people and transport of goods with efficiency required to compete in the global economy. Road transport remains the most commonly used not to mention cheapest and convenient means of transporting goods and services from one place to another. In addition well, designed and planned roads especially in cities and towns add splendor, beauty and orderliness of the metropolis.
Uganda’s urban development and expansion has consistently been growing at a steadfast rate but without a corresponding rate of growth of roads. As a result, the sprawling urbanization is not easily discernable because of incoherent road infrastructure development. A first time visitor to Kampala may think that Uganda has the worst road infrastructure in both urban and rural areas. But to the contrary, poor roads in Uganda are mainly in urban areas. Rural roads especially those categorized as national roads are not so much in a sorry state as the ones in towns and trading centres. In fact, Uganda’s rural roads are in most cases better than those of our neighbours in the region.
The poor urban road infrastructure in Uganda has been endemic because of lack of consistent and harmonized urban planning and transportation policy. The continuous urban expansion of Kampala city into surrounding areas without regard to road infrastructure enhancement has led to a poor road network characterized by, congestion, narrowness, poor maintenance and road reserve encroachment. The unrelenting rural-urban migration has also put a strain on the already limited road network in Kampala. Kampala in fact, arguably has the worst roads of a capital city in the whole world. It is also one of the filthiest towns at the same time. Some people have jokingly referred to Kampala as the world’s capital (headquarters) of potholes
Infrastructure development including road asset acquisition is not a cheap process. Developed countries have had to dedicate quite a lot of resources to the transport sector to reach where they are. They spend a lot of time planning how they want their towns to look like. They follow these plans with the strictness that is required. They have well defined laws and policies that guide their development. Their citizens do not put up structures without approval from city authorities and in accordance with the larger development plan. There is coordination amongst different stakeholders in the development of cities. For instance the water supply and treatment agency would not dig up a road to lay pipes without due consultation with the city authorities and the agency in charge of roads. The ducts for water, telephone lines, electricity and other services are all provided for during the initial construction stages of the road. There is constant consultation on how the city is supposed to be developed which creates thorough engagement that determines the trend of development of an area in a specified period of time. This is what has been largely lacking in the case of Uganda and in other countries in Africa. The commitment in terms of resource allocation and policy support for our roads has not been forthcoming. The public has always come out to talk about the poor state of roads but this discussion has for a long time failed to generate the required momentum for policy makers to act.
The last three years or so, have however shown an accelerated interest in road infrastructure development than had previously been witnessed in the country. The creation of a government agency, Uganda National Road Authority (UNRA) and Uganda Road Fund (URF) with clear mandate to oversee the transformation of roads in Uganda has heightened the public interest with animated expectations that Uganda’s roads can only be made better. Government, development partners and other players are all showing unrelenting zeal in road development and maintenance with considerable budget allocations that are required to fulfill the need for sustainable financing to enable continuous investment in roads. Civil society which had hitherto showed limited interest in infrastructure development in Uganda has joined the fray, an act that is likely to enrich monitoring, supervision and policy enhancement for this sector. The commitment and dedication already shown by UNRA for instance in its less than three years of existence signifies an important policy shift in favour of road development in Uganda.
Uganda’s current road network comprises of 20,000 km of national roads (managed by UNRA), 13,000Km as district roads, and 30,000 km of community roads. Of these only 4,500 is paved (tarmac). It is estimated that government has been constructing approximately between 100-120 km of new paved roads in the last ten years. This has been due to limiting factors such as lack of capacity on the side of both government and contractors. It is however now envisaged that this capacity is likely to increase given the resoluteness that government’s designated agencies have already exhibited in just a few years of their operation. We may thus see the current low rate of new road construction doubling or even tripling in the coming years. If Uganda national Roads Authority (UNRA) were to target to make up to 800Km of new roads every year, we would have the entire country networked by paved roads within a period of less than ten years. I want to believe that a new dawn has come for our roads to become better because the voices are stronger and the dedication is unwavering both from state and non state actors.
Mutabazi is the Executive Director of Uganda Road Sector Support Initiative (URSSI)
Email: mutasamste@yahoo.com
Tel: 0772-882547

WHY UGANDA SHOULD BRACE FOR HIGH PRICES OF FOOD FOR A LONG TIME

2011-05-04T02:47:00.000-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart
The global recession is about to be brought to a successful end thanks to good macro economic policies by the new administration in the United States of America. Economists in developing countries including Uganda waited with abated breath wondering how the credit crunch would affect their fragile economies. Some argued that it would only be a matter of time before the depression would spread to our country while others reasoned that given the fact that a country like Uganda is not yet a highly monetized economy, the impact of the crunch would not have the same shock it had on well developed economies in the Western World. Today we can state with certainty that the credit crunch is waning having had a slight brunt on Uganda’s economy.

Economies world wide react to depressions differently. The world has witnessed various economic slumps during the last one hundred years although the most pronounced have been that of 1920’s and the current one that peaked in 2008. In between these periods however there were intermittent shocks and distresses with varying magnitudes. Some have been handled by technocrats without allowing the world to get to know about their extent.

Although Uganda did not experience the true recession as some people had anticipated, no body in government should claim that the crunch did not happen here because of any preconditioned policies and programmes that shielded us from the depression spank. It is true that the crunch did not affect our financial institutions because very few are engaged in mortgages. It did not affect our industries because most of them do not directly rely on inputs from the developed countries which were experiencing the real chomp.

The direct effect however came in the form of increased prices of food throughout the country brought about by the hike in international oil prices. Analysts are already predicting that the price of food in Uganda may never normalize to the former cost that most of us had been accustomed to for a very long time. Prior to 2008, Uganda perhaps, was one of the few countries in the world with the lowest prices of food. All this has been altered and is likely to remain so for quite a long time. As readers may recall, during peak harvest period, one would buy a bunch of Matooke at as little as 1000 shilling or less especially in villages. As of today, you can not get the same bunch at twice this amount even in the most remote part of western Uganda, the leading Matooke producing area in the country.

This state of affairs is explained by largely two factors; namely the credit crunch and secondly by a general decrease in production of food in the entire country. The former is not as strong a factor as the latter. It is critical that policy makers in government take careful procedures to address the problem of food shortage in Uganda before it gets out of hand. What has happened is that, of late, there is an unprecedented movement of persons from rural areas into towns and cities by young energetic persons. Majority of them are engaged in petty business but mainly in boda boda business. In effect this means that the people who would have provided the much needed labour to produce the food, have instead migrated in search of other jobs which are considered “superior” to farming using the traditional hand hoe.

The little food that is being produced by the few, (moreover old and weak) farmers that remain in the villages can not satisfy the demand from the ever increasing numbers of people in towns. This in itself would not be a problem if there was a premeditated plan by government to encourage people to start large scale mechanized farming that is capable of meeting the food needs of the country both during and out of season. Large scale farming in Uganda is very difficult to implement because of continued land fragmentation that makes it almost impossible to get one whole piece of land that favors such type of agriculture. Indeed, it is hard today to get free land, say of 1000 acres, in the western and central parts of Uganda without human settlement. Therefore, if our agriculture sector no longer has small holder farmers because of rural-urban migration, and at the same time our land tenure system does not support large scale farming, the obvious, which unfortunately has already happened will continue to ensue until the same people who flocked into towns go back to where the came from or government implements a not-so-popular maneuver of pushing people off the land enmass to release it for large scale agriculture and farming. In the meantime, while the credit crunch shall be history in a few months or years to come in the countries like USA, Uganda shall have its share of a serious depression that may last longer and is difficult to deal with because of no other reason than not acting in good time.

SEBAGGALA IS TO KAMPALA WHAT IDI AMIN WAS TO UGANDA

2011-02-15T02:37:00.001-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Some people have argued that democracy is not necessarily a prerequisite for society to achieve development. I am not one of those because I believe that development brought about by democracy is more rewarding and sustainable while that without is like smokescreen. Through a democratic election in 2006 people in Kampala overwhelmingly voted Al Hajji Nasser Ntege Sebaggala as their Mayor for a period of five years. Although most of the elites including myself were supporting Sebaggala’s opponent, Peter Ssematimba, because we believed that he would make a better mayor because of his education and exposure, Sebaggala won because his supporters, the urban uneducated poor overwhelmingly gave him the votes. I was skeptical from the beginning about Sebaggala’s promises of making the city better but all the same I gave him my benefit of doubt.

In his last year serving as the mayor of this dusty, muddy city, Sebaggala has occupied that seat with nothing much to show in terms of achievements. The city has become more disorganized with less service delivery than he found it. In fact one can argue that, possibly, the city may have been better without him because he almost adds no value apart from drawing a salary, allowances and being driven in a state of the art vehicles with personalized number plates written on “MAYOR”.

When he recently froze KCC accounts, an action that led to a strike by KCC workers over unpaid salaries, hardly did any thing change in terms of service delivery to city residents. The garbage went uncollected like had been the case before and the state of roads remained in a sorry condition like when the accounts were active. Sebaggala has always complained about inadequate funds that KCC receives from the central government as the reason why he may not deliver the services. He says that government sends him only 15 Billion shilling for roads every year. Although it may be true that this money is not enough to fix the roads in the city as the mayor agues, it is not too little to fix most potholes on some of the major roads in the city. It is very annoying that KCC only fixes the road when it has completely become impassable.

Both Sebaggala and former President Idi Amin share many commonalities but the most outstanding are two - minimum formal education levels and untamable egos. Both have big dreams and luck is on their side most of the time as they tell blatant lies to the people they lead without any recourse. The difference between the two men is that Sebaggala was elected while Amin captured power by force. As one English commentator once said “One wonders how a buffoon like Idi Amin managed to rule Uganda for eight years superintending over some of the best brains in Africa”. The same question can be asked today about how people like Sebaggala with his level of understanding can be able to become mayor of Kampala for all this time with all capable persons around. He is not ashamed because he recently announced that he will be seeking another term in office as mayor!
Idi Amin, at one time thought that his army was too powerful to militarily defeat the armed forces of Israel and possibly capture and occupy the famous Golan Heights. In the same vein, Sebaggala recently made public an artist’s impression of the building he wants to put up in Kampala with fifty floors. The building, he says, shall become the tallest in East and Central Africa. This is not to talk about the three hundred buses he promised to bring to the city when he had just assumed the office of the mayor. One wonders whether the mayor has any sense of guilt. He does not have the word sorry in his vocabulary nor can he know when to shut up. I am sure ten years or so from now, Sebaggala shall be asked about the fifty floor tall building he promised to build this year, he shall have either forgotten or he shall have an excuse why the building shall have not been built. And I can confidently bet on this issue that just like he has reneged on most of his promises Sebaggala shall not put up this building.

The problems of Kampala may not necessarily be solved by the mayor alone, but as the current head of KCC, he solely takes the blame for making Kampala a living hell for us the residents and especially for the people that voted him into office. So did we get the best out of democracy by having Sebaggala as our mayor? One may ask; was the election of Sebaggala as the mayor a breach of democracy or the reverse is true? What will happen to the city when Sebaggala is elected mayor again for another five years? Is it about time for the people of Kampala to put democracy on hold especially for the election of Mayor for the good of the city? Kampala is bleeding the way Uganda was bleeding under Idi Amin and Sebaggala is not about to relent on his dream of occupying that sweet office, doing nothing. God Bless Kampala.

Mutabazi Sam Stewart: UGANDA SHOULD LEARN FROM CHINA ON ROAD DEVELOPMENT

2011-02-09T04:49:00.000-08:00

www.urssi.webs.com

Mutabazi Sam Stewart: UGANDA SHOULD LEARN FROM CHINA ON ROAD DEVELOPMENT

2011-02-09T04:46:00.000-08:00

Mutabazi Sam Stewart: UGANDA SHOULD LEARN FROM CHINA ON ROAD DEVELOPMENT

UGANDA SHOULD LEARN FROM CHINA ON ROAD DEVELOPMENT

2011-02-09T04:45:00.000-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Last month I was in china attending the 2nd international convention on Rural Roads. It was held in Jinan city, Shandong Province in the eastern part of the gigantic country. The convention brought together participants from almost all countries in the world including Uganda. We went on a guided tour of Shandong province to learn more about China’s performance in terms of rural road construction and maintenance. Participants especially from Africa and other poor Asian countries were amazed that what is referred to rural roads in china are actually first class urban roads in the developing countries. The hallmark of Chinese development hinges on the fact. The Chinese are meticulous and can never leave anything to chance. They have taken extra care to plan for years to come. The roads are well designed in accordance with the setting of an area. Human settlement is also adequately catered for. People do not settle anywhere like in the case of Uganda. As a result the Chinese people although many, optimally utilize their spaces which leaves them with large tracts of land for both current and future use. The places designated for settlement are supplied with amenities like water and electricity. Most free sp[ace is used for modern agriculture which is done on a large scale. We were told that Shandong province alone has up to 3 million kilometers of bituminized roads. This is incomparable to Uganda’s only 4, 000 kilometers of tarmac.

The government of China has made infrastructure development especially roads as one of the quickest means to achieve human development. Their transport system, though still with a few challenges has greatly improved during the last decade thanks to their planning skills. The Chinese government is expecting an urban boom as millions of young people leave rural areas into urban areas in search of better services. In fact it is expected that in the next fifteen years, more than 90 percent of Chinese people will be living in urban areas. This is putting the government on pressure as they plan for this “exodus”. Both the Chinese central and provincial governments are working hand in hand with a shared vision of having well planned cities for the future generations. They both recognize the importance of planning in the development of their society. Old and poorly planned structures in urban areas are razed down almost on a daily basis to pave way for modern buildings and highways. As would be expected, some people normally resist to be resettled. In such case4s government uses force to evict them. Indeed during the time of our visit, the China Daily, the largest best selling English newspaper in China, had a front page photograph of a poor man’s home that had resisted eviction. He went on a strike vowing never to leave his house. He said he would rather be killed. He had brought enough food supplies to last some time. Tractors were used to dig deep trenches around his three storied house while he remained holed inside. It was the only hose still standing in the whole neighborhood. The China Highway and Transportation Society (CHTS) which is an equivalent of Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA), is fully in charge of the Chinese national roads.

Something special I witnessed in china is that local especially provincial and national leaders are highly respected by all citizens. The citizens believe that every action these leaders do is for the common good. People in china have a very high sense of nationalism and patriotism. It is unthinkable that a leader let alone government can initiate an idea that will not benefit the people. It was therefore not surprising that the Chinese government considers the 2010 Nobel Prize winner Liu Xiaobo as a criminal and a traitor that should be hanged because he criticized the Chinese way of doing things.

** The writer is a Human Rights Defender

WHAT IS AFRICA’S PROBLEM? IS IT LACK OF DEMOCRACY OR IT IS MORE THAN THAT

2011-02-09T04:26:00.001-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Developed countries in America and Europe have for some time now impressed it upon themselves to convince the world that democracy is the most important ingredient in any nation’s search for economic development. USA, the largest economy in the world since the end of the Second World War in 1945 strongly advocates for freedom and liberalism as the best options for countries to achieve sustainable macro economic performance. These western have found fertile ground to propagate the notion of democracy in Africa more than anywhere else. For the last forty years, no continent has vigorously sought to tap into the benefits of democracy and freedom enhancement in the world than Africa. To the contrary however, at the same time, there is no other continent on planet earth that is further from benefiting from the benefits that are supposedly to be realized when a nation takes the path of democracy. It seems, the more the West emphasizes democracy in Africa, the further Africa drifts away from development. Some scholars have in fact had the audacity to pronounce that democracy may possibly be holding Africa from attaining development. They argue that piecemeal /mediocre democracy that is prevailing in most parts of Africa today is contrarily confusing both the leaders and the masses on the continent.

Something of particular interest about this whole discussion has been the debate about the interests of western governments in Africa’s development. The important question that is often posed has been whether the developed world is genuinely interested in seeing Africa developed as they claim. Aren’t Africans naïve to keep in their laid back position awaiting the West to develop the African continent? Will this development that is championed by the West in Africa sustainable? Isn’t western democracy an import to Africa that is being used to hoodwink Africa and keep its people confused? Is democracy more important that development or does one lead to the other and if so which one comes first? Would we rather have freedom to do what we please and keep wallowing in abject poverty/ all these questions do not have ready answers yet unless they are rightly answered especially by African leaders, the continent may remain in its backward form in the next one thousand years.

It is strange that African leaders are still divided individually and collectively on the mission and vision of their countries and continent respectively. Although a few of them including our own Yoweri Museveni have come out to point out the major hindrances of development in Africa, they are yet to agree in a uniform fashion on the major bottleneck they need to address to overcome poverty and underdevelopment that make Africa a laughing stock of the world. African leaders and indeed scholars interested in African affairs are yet to agree for instance on one major challenge or problem, which if addressed would offset the continent take off towards development.

In my view I think that lack of democracy is not one of the major problems in Africa as some scholars would want us to believe. Neither is it because of continuous intervention and meddling by the West. As espoused by people like Andrew Mwenda of Independent Magazine. Africa’s problem to me remains lack of independent, well groomed and good intentioned statesmen and leaders who have unwavering love (patriotism) for their countries. A patriotic leader that dedicates more of his or her time to thinking how to better the lives of their people rather than how to retain power would be the greatest asset of the country they lead. Unfortunately the democracy that the west has imposed or rather exported to Africa is lacking identifying and nurturing such leaders let alone appreciating and supporting them. The confusion which Africa was in more than forty years at independence has not only worsened, the current situation threatens to become chronic and incurable hence keeping Africa in a perpetual condition of backwardness and underdevelopment.

Experience has already shown that democracy does not necessarily lead to economic development neither in the short or long term. Conclusive evidence also shows that the West has a different agenda for Africa in their quest to convince the continent that democracy is a good thing to embrace. Africa has wasted a long time because we don’t know our allies, their intentions. In fact we do not know our most pressing needs which makes it almost impossible to provide solutions to our problems.

Democracy may not be good for Africa and the promoters of the same may not necessarily be interested in our development. Unfortunately our leaders have not yet formed decisive opinion on how they can deal with this scenario and therefore Africa doesn’t know what it exactly wants and therein lies Africa’s problem. We cannot cure the disease unless we diagnose the sickness.

MAKERERE UNIVERSITY; IS BARYAMUREEBA ON THE RIGHT TRACK?

2010-10-13T04:26:00.000-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

The public has mixed feelings about the performance of Prof. Vanansius Baryamureeba; the acting Vice Chancellor of Makerere University who has held that office now for ten months. Whereas the university has improved in Webometrics Ranking of World Universities (July 2010) making it among the top 15 highly ranked universities in Africa, analysts attribute this raking to improved media relations employed by the flamboyant Baryamureeba than actual progressive works and innovation. The current ranking (September 2010) indicates that the university has again improved by two places to an enviable position of 13. Baryamureeba will go down in history books as having been the first university vice chancellor to open the gates of the institution to the media. He has liberalized media access to the university to such an extent that Makerere today favourably competes with the well known newsmakers in the country which seek to polish their image through regular press conferences. Baryamureeba seems to have learnt from the mistake his predecessor, Prof. Livingstone Luboobi made of deliberately antagonizing the media. Vanansius knows the power of the media. Although one can argue that Luboobi was arguably one of the most inconsequential vice chancellors Makerere has had in history, his undoing can be greatly attributed to his poor working relations with the media than his actual achievements. His management weaknesses not withstanding, he had a weak public relations system. A combination of poor management, lack of innovation and bad press made Luboobi’s days at the helm of Makerere the most gloom in the history of the once internationally acclaimed institution.

The public is yet to correlate the message that Baryamureeba depicts in the soon-to- become-monotonous press conferences with what is actually taking place at the university. Questions abound as to whether the rosy picture that Baryamureeba portrays in his media relations is what is pertaining on the ground. I have talked to a few people both teaching and non teaching staff about their opinions of Baryamureeba’s performance so far after ten months in office. The greater number think that Vanansius is more of a loud talker than an implementer. They also accuse him of high- handedness, intolerance and desire to portray himself as a hands-on, result oriented corporate guy. They go ahead to down play his much taunted achievements particularly that of spearheading the establishment of the faculty of ICT as a project that was bound to be successful because of the amount of resources provided by the donors. Baryamurereba’s critics think that with the amount of money that was availed to put up the ICT faculty together with the commitment exhibited by the donors; any person in charge would have pulled off the project’s execution with minimum glitches. In fact Baryamureeba is accused of having embezzled a lot of funds from the project which he used to live a lifestyle similar to that of crazy, fame-seeking young carefree celebrity, a description not fit for any serious academic.

Although Baryamureeba claims to be a promoter of institutions and systems, he is sometimes too ambitious and impatient that he often sidesteps the very systems he himself advocates for. He is on record as having told the media that the university was soon to lay off 500 part-time lecturers. He announced this without consulting the appropriate organ of the university. Senior staff were shocked to read the story in the newspapers when the issue had not been discussed nor had it been considered by any university policy making organ.

Recently the University suspended its doctor of philosophy degree (PhD) programme in Education Management and Administration over inadequate teaching staff. This became the twenty-first course to be suspended at Makerere this year. This may be a good move but it also points out to the inherent weaknesses at Makerere about lack of capacity especially in providing a conducive environment to train and retain eminent scholars within its ranks. One of the laudable actions by Baryamureeba’s administration was the successful recall and appointment of seasoned scholar Prof. Mahmood Mamdani to head the once powerful Makerere Institute of Social Research (MISR). In a message posted on the Institute’s website Mamdani has already promised hope to bring to life a buzz of activities, from internet discussions to printed materials, ranging from working papers to workshops, journals to books, using methods from the unconventional to the orthodox, to create a market place of ideas, an arena of debate”. Mamdani argues that unlike a primary school that looks out for teachers who are trained from outside, universities and in this case Makerere should start training its own academics.

The problems of Makerere are well known. Apart from lack adequate financial support from government which has made the university to rely on private student’s fees contribution, the university has not yet gone out of its way to become an innovative centre of excellence. Makerere must wean itself from government and begin fending for her needs independently by getting multiple partnerships with multilateral international donors to fund its research especially in the scientific field. Before it does this however, it must considerably cut the number of students it admits to ensure quality. Baryamureeba and his entire team must understand its one thing to hoodwink the public through the media that a lot is being done and it is another to do actual wok that can propel the university to greater heights. Whereas every institution needs good public relations for its smooth running, a good press alone is not enough to turn an academic institution from a despised run down organization to a glorious internationally celebrated entity.

** The writer is a human rights defender

WHY IS LIFE SO CHEAP IN AFRICA?

2010-08-30T04:52:00.001-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Africans die in large numbers because of many causes including diseases, wars, accidents, hunger and ignorance. There is too much death in Sub-Saharan countries that life seems to be of much lesser value than that in the west. One of the explanations given for the high death rates in Africa has been that we have high fertility and birth rates which makes life easy to beget and easy to destroy. Whereas the developed nations take every effort to protect and preserve every living person’s existence through providing dignified services, in Africa life, can be snapped out of a person in a twinkle of an eye and nobody seems to be bothered. Many people have become so accustomed to death in Africa that it doesn’t bother us as much. This is not to say that traditional Africa was any better. In fact it was worse.

What is worrisome is that Africa’s population, though increasing, is constantly subjected to the full rigours of poverty and harsh conditions that often result in deaths which are in most cases preventable. If the rate at which Africans die was applicable to some of the western countries like Canada, their populations would be wiped out in a period not exceeding one century. In the west every person is of value no matter their economic and social status in society. Instead of our governments concentrating on providing people with adequate services and imploring them to focus of quality of lives, we are producing more children who would be able to live for a short time. In other words we are more preoccupied with reproduction than we are with maintenance and attainment of quality lives because anyone can produce a child but not every one can adequately look after a child to adulthood.

Our communities on a daily basis witness unwarranted death to such an extent that it makes one wonder whether this is the life some of us were predestined to live. In Uganda there are common headlines in newspapers which surprisingly never make it to first page. They include; “Man hacks wife to death” , “Man burns house, kills wife, children & self”, “Irate soldier kills five”, “Man goes on rampage, kills four, shoots self”, “Man hangs self”, “Man kills two in land dispute”, “Two left dead in family row”, “Woman strangles her two children, “Mob kills two suspected criminals”, “Mud slides burry five”, Three killed while siphoning fuel”. These are titles of stories that appear in our daily press. They are quite common that some people no longer read them.

Sub Saharan Africa today has a population of 840 million people with an annual growth rate of 2.4% and will double in the next 30 years. According to the Population Reference Bureau (PRB), Sub Saharan Africa’s population growth is the fastest in the world despite the fact that the region has the highest death rates at the same time. In simple terms, too many people are being born in so short a time in Africa and they die in too large numbers in too short a time. Africa’s total population has just passed one Billion people. The continent’s population is growing by about 24 million per year. Uganda’s population (latest figures) is 32 million and is projected to rise to 96 million by 2050. USA, with a population of 307 million people has an annual death rate of 2.5 million people compared to Uganda’s annual death rate of 384,000. This means that at the current death rates, if Uganda’s population was like that of USA at 307 million people, Uganda would be losing approximately 4,876,000 people annually. With 1.4 million children being born (live births) in Uganda every year compared to 371,000 born in Canada, it means that Ugandan mothers stare death in the face every time they visit labour words than their Canadian counterparts. Our life is what one can term as “hopeless”.

We continue to live like our traditional forefathers that produced so many children because they believed that some would die and others would survive. Indeed in traditional Africa it was a miracle for a parent to produce five children and they all survive past the age of five. Some would produce up to ten children and only one would survive to adulthood. They attributed this phenomenon to curses and bad luck and constantly consulted their spirits to intervene forgetting that their children were dying because of ignorance and poor health conditions at the time.

It is a shame that thousands of years have passed since that era but not much has changed in a greater part of Africa. In fact there has not been any marked change between the living conditions of Africans who lived two hundred years ago and those living in the current age. The shelter, mode of transport, cultivation, and way of life in general remain similar for most people. To these people development and civilization is nothing but a mirage that neither them nor their children will enjoy. In relation to this scenario, some scholars have agued that Africa may not realise development and much of it may remain backward with nothing much changing in the next five hundred years unless we get focused and well-intentioned leaders that are real patriots in both word and deed.

African leaders have to a great extent let us down. They need to inspire the people they lead into believing that the children they produce shall live up to old age. This should not only be in words. They must begin by putting in place health systems that work. They need to drastically reduce mortality rates by providing basic health care services. They need to restore the hope and dignity of Africans by treating every death of a person with greater concern. Every person’s life should begin to matter. It is only thorough this that we can see death rates coming down and it is only then that every one will begin placing value in the lives of his or her fellow human beings and senseless deaths shall be no more.

QUOTE BY MICHAEL ELLNER

2010-08-04T23:51:00.000-07:00

“Just look at us. Everything is backwards. Everything is upside-down.
Doctors destroy health, lawyers destroy justice, universities destroy
knowledge, governments destroy freedom, the major media destroys
information, and religion destroys spirituality.“
- Michael Ellner

A ROAD SHOULD BE CONSTRUCTED ABOVE NAKIVUBO CHANNEL

2010-06-28T02:42:00.000-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

People who have traveled to modern cities both in Africa and the West think Kampala is the largest slum in the world with no sense of direction in terms planning and human settlement management. They find it a mockery to call Kampala a city apart from, may be, the population density that reside in this area called Kampala. Things have been getting from bad to worse and worse to worst and there seems to be no signs of retraction. Everything that can perhaps go wrong in a city has possibly happened in Kampala. Because people have complained for too long without any response from those in charge, most of us have come to accept to live our lives in this city as if everything is normal. This has made people at KCC to relax, going to office every day, pretending to be working when in actual sense they are not producing any results.

There is need to exert a lot of pressure on KCC if we are to put Kampala at the same level of orderliness and development as other cities in the world. The pressure must be unwavering and firm on specific personalities like the Mayor and the Town clerk until they may not be able to take it any more which would force them either to act to our expectations or to abdicate and resign their positions. This act should be repeated on new office bearers until we get better managers who can positively change the appearance of Kampala.

People at KCC seem to be preoccupied with harassing traders to pay tax which has made them forget their role of planning for the city. The city’s infrastructure keeps getting worse every passing day and hopes are quickly fading as to when we shall have long term visionary thinkers that can get us out of this mess. A friend of mine from Belgium who had come to visit was appalled by the state of our city. He remarked that it would take absolutely dormant people to accept the status quo. He said it was incomprehensible that Ugandans are not raising hard questions to their leaders about the state of things in the city. He said Kampala passes as one of the filthiest cities and added that if citizens do not rise up to demand for better services, the leadership will “keep sleeping”.

We need people who think beyond allowances and personal aggrandizement to take charge at KCC. We needs long term planners who are outward looking to help change the face of this city. We need radical measures that would see outright demolition of illegal structures that sprout up in every division within the city. Someone with resolute steadfastness needs to be in charge and must be entrusted with full responsibility of transforming the appearance of the city in a specified period of time.

Recently, one of the dailies published a photo on its cover page depicting poor maintenance and misuse of Nakivubo Channel by the people that operate near it. All kinds of garbage are dumped into the channel including plastic bottles and garbage. The 9.1 Km channel was rehabilitated in 2002 and completed in 2004 at cost of 23 billion by a Chinese company, China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC). City dwellers were promised during construction that flooding in Kampala would be no more at the completion of the channel. It was meant to be wide enough to take up all the water from the raised areas of the city into Lake Victoria. As of now however the channel seems not to have had much impact. Flooding has instead worsened in the city and the channel is a real ugly sight because it is not regularly silted. It is one of the many failed hopes that has kept city dwellers wondering if they have any competent leadership at KCC that is capable of planning for and developing the city for the good of our capital city.

There seem to be no innovativeness whatsoever at the City Hall. For Instance I would have imagined that someone would bring the idea of building a road above Nakivubo channel. The channel that passes through the city right from the northern part to the southern would help to ease the incessant traffic jams that we have today. The channel would be widened a bit further and above it a road would be constructed supported by strong pillars. This would mean that the channel is well protected while the road would de-congest Bombo, Kampala and Jinja roads that run parallel to the channel. This is not rocket science. It is simply because people at KCC do not think hard enough to come up with solutions to our problems. I am waiting for a miracle when KCC do something right for our city, at least for once.

ANDREW MWENDA YOU ARE GROWING OLD

2010-06-18T00:00:00.000-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart
Andrew, if private cars, shopping malls and bars are what you term as economic growth, then I am afraid the Economics you studied is lopsided. For Christ sake Andrew you should know that what has been termed as growth in Uganda is mere consumerism, importing cheap goods from China. We are an import oriented country. Shut our boarders for even one week and you will not even get a match box in Kampala shops. The reason why Zimbabwe survived the international sanctions is because its economy was to a great extent self sustaining. Uganda would not survive for a month like Zimbabwe did if we faced similar sanctions. In plain language, Uganda has not yet laid a foundation on which development can thrive. I think Uganda has the poorest public infrastructure in the world today.

***This was a response to Andrew Mwenda’s piece titled “The Politics behind Musevenomics where he hailed Uganda’s growth Miracle” Published in The Independent Magazine of 13th June 2010

THE DOZEN HATS WORN BY HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVISTS

2010-05-21T04:02:00.000-07:00

Human rights activists are expected to be: agenda setters, catalysts,
promoters, conveners, finders of seed money, collectors, disseminators,
advocates, educators, linkers, sponsors, defenders, observers, judges,
presenters of the proper and contesters of the faulty evidence, pushers of
changes-people-can-believe-in (D. Gwatkin), visionaries that see tomorrow
when others only see today, active opponents of corporations that violate
social and environmental standards in their operations, vectors/promoters/
announcers of the new human rights (HR) paradigm?

From the Human Rights Reader 240, The Social Medicine Portal http://www.socialmedicine.org

UGANDA’S MONEY LOOSING VALUE; ANY HOPE IN SIGHT SOON?

2010-05-20T03:55:00.000-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Although President Yoweri Museveni’s government has presided over a relatively stable economy for the last 24 years the Ugandan currency has steadily depreciated against major currencies both in Africa and the world at large. During the 1987 currency reform that saw the issuance of what was then termed as the “New Museveni Dollar, one Dollar was trading at approximately 85 Uganda shillings. Ugandans were however to enjoy the strength of their currency for only a short time. The highest currency denomination was 1,000 shillings. Coins of one, five and ten shillings were still widely in circulation and had a lot of value. A liter of milk was for instance sold at eight shillings. By 1990, the shilling had lost considerable value and was now trading at a much lower value of 350 shillings to one Dollar.

The situation worsened between 1991 and 1993 after the liberalization of the economy. The Ugandan currency was now trading at 700 to one dollar. The shilling held on to this position for a very long time. At that time prices were stable. A litre of petrol was trading at almost the same amount. The prices of food were much lower than they are today. Transport fares within the country were affordable to even the poorest. The price of land including urban areas was very affordable. The salary of an average Ugandan was not much but had more value than today. In essence many Ugandans were contented with the status quo. The full rigours of liberalization were however to be felt between 1995-1996. The shilling lost even more value as capitalistic market competition set in. The price of house rent especially in Kampala shot up and so was the cost of land especially with the entrance of property agencies like Akright Projects Limited.

By 1997, the Dollar had reached an incredible price of 1500 Uganda shillings. The increase of prices of basic commodities led to a higher cost of living especially in the city but this did not deter a continuous influx of people migrating from rural areas to Kampala and its suburbs. The upsurge of the population put a further strain on the price of land in Kampala and its environs. The ever sky locating cost of rent in the city forced many people to buy small plots of land where they put up poor housing units in a haphazard manner to escape the biting rental charges. Since then, the housing sector has been the fastest growing sector in Uganda and has had a spillover effect on the entire economy.

As the economy continues to expand, the cost of living is becoming more and more expensive especially for the majority urban poor. The shilling has continued to lose value and has become quite unpredictable. For instance whereas it was trading at 1600 in November 2009, it is currently going at 2080. Previously in June last it had touched an all time high of 2300 shilling, the lowest the shilling had ever gone since 1987. New currency denominations have been introduced by the central bank with the largest being a fifty thousand shilling note. There is speculation that if the current condition persists, a new bank note worth 100,000 many soon be issued to match the ever depreciating value of the shilling.

Although the shilling is fully convertible into major international currencies, it remains one of the weakest currencies in Africa together with that of Zambia-the Kwacha. The strongest currency in Africa today is the New Sudanese Pound which is currently trading at two units to one Dollar. The second strongest currency is the Egyptian Pound trading at Five Egyptian Pound to one Dollar. A strong currency may not necessarily be good for an economy but neither is the weak one. High value currency is certainly good for transaction and for feel-good-effect for nationals and for stability purposes which leads to investor confidence.

Uganda’s money has lost value in the recent past that consumers are routinely cheated without raising a finger. For example, an increase in the price of the Dollar for as low as 2%, may result in an immediate increase in the price of fuel by about 10%. On the other hand the loss of value of the dollar to the Uganda shilling often does not lead to reduction on local fuel prices. The other problem of a weak currency is that increase in prices of goods and services is often in bigger currency points than is always necessary. For instance an increase in the prices of fuel by, say, 100 shillings may result in an increase in transport costs for upcountry routes by about 2000 shilling. This is irrational and is mainly the major cause of inflationary tendencies in Uganda. The regulatory framework to monitor pricing of essential goods is lacking which leaves poor people go without basic necessities because of unscrupulous traders and service providers.

As we prepare for the 2011 general elections, the value of the Uganda shilling is likely to loose more of its current value and even more after the elections. The best alternative would be to carry out a fresh currency reform that would see a new stronger shilling that would help to propel our economy from the current stagnation where only one sector of housing and construction seems to dwarf all the others. I would be very happy, and I believe many others too, to once again see the Ugandan shilling trading at 200 shillings to a Dollar. I would be even happier if that exchange rate was maintained for a longer period of about five years. The Ministry of Finance and the central Bank should seriously think about this.

KAMPALA BOUNDARIES SHOULD BE EXPANDED, ADMINISTERED BY CENTRAL GOVERNMENT

2010-04-19T02:51:00.001-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Development of a country is not cheap. It doesn’t come easy. It is very costly because, to achieve it various factors must be harmonized, proper planning executed, hard decisions and choices made, resources mobilized, masses rallied, negotiations held, sacrifices made, and commitment from leaders guaranteed. These are just a few of the many issues to be considered for countries to be transformed economically. President Yoweri Museveni has been advocating for the transformation of Uganda from a backward economy to a developed one that is self-sustaining since 1986. The country is yet to achieve this feat. The major hindrance to this is lack of clearly defined sequential planning to determine the priorities of our country and the execution of those plans with maximum clarity.

Development takes many trends but what defines it in its best form is the economic well-being of the majority of citizens. The other equally important characteristic of development is orderliness and systematic execution of various functions and activities within the entire state or country. The reason why I am raising all these issues is because of the challenges that Uganda currently faces. There are many but the common one that defines our ineptness is the way we continue to live in a completely disorganized city of Kampala. Our capital city arguably remains one of the most muddled insular towns in the world today. Many people have written about this but less is being done to rectify the situation before it gets out of hand.

Kampala is simply not planned. People build anywhere, anyhow and anytime. It is only in Kampala that you find roads that end (closes). It is common in most suburbs to follow a road which normally starts as a normal public way but finally stops at some one’s residence. KCC does not regularly monitor structure that are being put up. People build within road reserves; roads are narrow and winding instead of being straight. In plain language, development of structures in Kampala is simply misguided without any centralized planning and coordinating system. The few law enforcement officers who are supposed to look out for illegal structures in the city are always compromised by a few bribes hence they allow fake buildings, some without plans to go on. All this would not be a big problem if Kampala was a big city. As it is today, Kampala district is the smallest district in Uganda measuring only 195 sq km yet it has the highest population of over 2.5 million people

Of late there was a proposal by government to take over the management of the city through the Kampala Capital City Bill that proposes among others the appointment of an Executive Director to mange the city and the expansion of its boundaries to incorporate parts of Wakiso, and Mukono districts. Some people have come out to vehemently oppose this otherwise good move thus in the process have vulgarized an excellent idea that would make our capital city become an admirable cosmopolitan metropolis that it is meant to be. The opponents of this idea fail to realise that Kampala in its current form will never be developed to modern standards.

The city needs good wide roads, better leisure parks, well protected green belts, enough parking space for the ever increasing traffic, bigger shopping malls and many more things that define a city. Other people have argued that since the central government has failed to deliver in other areas, they don’t think it can positively mange and transform Kampala city either. I am among those who think that the current government is very incompetent in terms of management. This is evident infrastructure including hospitals, schools and other government installations that have been run down over the years. However, at the same time, I am of the view that the state in which our city is presently can not be any worse. I can’t fathom Kampala in a worse scenario than what it is now. Entrusting our city to Al Hajji Nasser Ntege Sebaggala was one of the worst blunders the voters of Kampala ever made. Conceding and yielding to Buganda’s demands not to expand the boundaries of the city is to condemn the city to perpetual mismanagement, an action that would lead Kampala to become a befuddled slum. I would rather we support the central government move to administer the city after all we have less to lose in the present circumstances.

INTERESTING QUOTE BY MUTABAZI SAM STEWART ABOUT TAXATION

2010-03-31T02:23:00.001-07:00

"Taxation, just like medicine, is only good when administered in moderation; its consequences can be catastrophic when the patient (read people) is forced to take an overdose".

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

31st March 2010

WHY UGANDA SHOULD BRACE FOR HIGH PRICES OF FOOD FOR A LONG TIME

2010-02-15T00:16:00.000-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

The global recession is about to be brought to a successful end thanks to good macro economic policies by the new administration in the United States of America. Economists in developing countries including Uganda waited with abated breath wondering how the credit crunch would affect their fragile economies. Some argued that it would only be a matter of time before the depression would spread to our country while others reasoned that given the fact that a country like Uganda is not yet a highly monetized economy, the impact of the crunch would not have the same shock it had on well developed economies in the Western World. Today we can state with certainty that the credit crunch is waning having had a slight brunt on Uganda’s economy.

Economies world wide react to depressions differently. The world has witnessed various economic slumps during the last one hundred years although the most pronounced have been that of 1920’s and the current one that peaked in 2008. In between these periods however there were intermittent shocks and distresses with varying magnitudes. Some have been handled by technocrats without allowing the world to get to know about their extent.

Although Uganda did not experience the true recession as some people had anticipated, no body in government should claim that the crunch did not happen here because of any preconditioned policies and programmes that shielded us from the depression spank. It is true that the crunch did not affect our financial institutions because very few are engaged in mortgages. It did not affect our industries because most of them do not directly rely on inputs from the developed countries which were experiencing the real chomp.

The direct effect however came in the form of increased prices of food throughout the country brought about by the hike in international oil prices. Analysts are already predicting that the price of food in Uganda may never normalize to the former cost that most of us had been accustomed to for a very long time. Prior to 2008, Uganda perhaps, was one of the few countries in the world with the lowest prices of food. All this has been altered and is likely to remain so for quite a long time. As readers may recall, during peak harvest period, one would buy a bunch of Matooke at as little as 1000 shilling or less especially in villages. As of today, you can not get the same bunch at twice this amount even in the most remote part of western Uganda, the leading Matooke producing area in the country.

This state of affairs is explained by largely two factors; namely the credit crunch and secondly by a general decrease in production of food in the entire country. The former is not as strong a factor as the latter. It is critical that policy makers in government take careful procedures to address the problem of food shortage in Uganda before it gets out of hand. What has happened is that, of late, there is an unprecedented movement of persons from rural areas into towns and cities by young energetic persons. Majority of them are engaged in petty business but mainly in boda boda business. In effect this means that the people who would have provided the much needed labour to produce the food, have instead migrated in search of other jobs which are considered “superior” to farming using the traditional hand hoe.

The little food that is being produced by the few, (moreover old and weak) farmers that remain in the villages can not satisfy the demand from the ever increasing numbers of people in towns. This in itself would not be a problem if there was a premeditated plan by government to encourage people to start large scale mechanized farming that is capable of meeting the food needs of the country both during and out of season. Large scale farming in Uganda is very difficult to implement because of continued land fragmentation that makes it almost impossible to get one whole piece of land that favors such type of agriculture. Indeed, it is hard today to get free land, say of 1000 acres, in the western and central parts of Uganda without human settlement. Therefore, if our agriculture sector no longer has small holder farmers because of rural-urban migration, and at the same time our land tenure system does not support large scale farming, the obvious, which unfortunately has already happened will continue to ensue until the same people who flocked into towns go back to where the came from or government implements a not-so-popular maneuver of pushing people off the land en-mass to release it for large scale agriculture and farming. In the meantime, while the credit crunch shall be history in a few months or years to come in the countries like USA, Uganda shall have its share of a serious depression that may last longer and is difficult to deal with because of no other reason than not acting in good time.

THE TRIALS AND TRIBULATIONS OF PRINT MEDIA IN UGANDA

2009-12-15T01:56:00.000-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Uganda’s print media industry has grown tremendously in a relatively short period of time compared to other countries within the region. The New Vision, Uganda’s leading daily sells up to 35,000 copies every day. Its annual turn over is approximately 40 billion shillings. Established in 1986, the New Vision has witnessed a steady growth from a time when it virtually didn’t have any competitor to early 1990’s when the Monitor (now Daily Monitor) entered the market. The Daily Monitor sales are estimated at 25,000-30,000 each day. Print media in Uganda has overtaken that of neighboring Tanzania in terms of quality and content but not in circulation. Uganda’s print media is currently sold in all the five member states of the East African Community (EAC) although the sales outside Uganda are still meager. The New Vision again leads in selling most copies with up to 2000 copies sold in Kenya everyday. Rwanda is the second consumer of Ugandan newspapers after Kenya because of its historical links with Uganda. Burundi buys the least number of newspapers from Uganda among the EAC member countries.

The Daily Nation of Kenya which is the largest circulating newspaper in East Africa selling in excess of 200,000 copies every day has achieved this feat because of among other reasons, its long history having been established in 1958, and continuous improvement in its content, design and innovation. Ugandan newspapers still have a long way to go in spite of the successes so far achieved. According to media analysts the reasons why Uganda’s newspapers sales are still low has been due to small urban elite population that can afford to buy a newspapers plus the high cost of the newspapers. The cost of producing each copy of a newspaper in Uganda is still high compared to the same in developed countries. Although all daily newspapers are printed locally, the quality of printing has not yet reached the standard of Kenya and South Africa.

There are very many newspapers which begin business in Uganda each year. But a few survive beyond their first anniversary. The rate at which newspapers start is possibly higher than the rate at which they close. Some publications do not even stay around long enough to be known by a considerable number of people in Kampala. It takes a lot of planning and determination to keep a publication coming out on the streets as scheduled. Publications (newspapers and magazines) mainly depend on revenue generated from advertisers. But advertisers may not easily choose a medium (read print media) that has not been tested by its track record of consistency. A newspaper that does not coherently address itself to the requirements of both its readers and advertisers may find it challenging to keep in circulation for a long time.

Apart from advertisers, a publication’s survival almost solely depends on its content and how the same is packaged for the public to appreciate and get the confidence that what they get through buying or advertising in such a paper will give them the leverage over other competing publications. The other determining factor of newspaper circulation is the population within a country. China, Japan and India have the largest number of newspapers by average circulation because of their high population density. Yumiuri Shimbum of Japan with an average daily circulation of 14 Million copies is by far the best selling newspaper in the world and has held this position for more than five years now. Of course coupled with big numbers of people is the standard of living in a given country. The higher the standard of living a country enjoys, the more likely its people can afford to buy newspapers and vice versa.

No publication can claim to achieve its audience’s (readers’) expectations all the time. Society’s needs and aspirations are always changing. A newspaper which therefore relies on present circumstances to consider that it has a fair share of readers and advertisers and does less to reinvent itself through well-thought-out innovative ventures may slowly but surely sink over time. Editors of newspapers spend sleepless nights thinking of how they can tell a story as differently as possible and in an interesting mode as it can get. They put a lot of pressure on their reporters and writers which leads to stressful lives for the latter. It is challenging to write a good story. It is even more challenging to write interesting stories consistently. Every publication needs highly motivated writers who are willing to go the extra mile of delivering a message to the public that would leave both the writer and the reader satisfied that the former has done their best while the latter yarns for more pieces that offer good reading.

It is interesting to note that newspaper and magazine editors are well aware when their publication has not lived up to the expectations of the public. For instance there are times when a person buys one of the major dailies in Uganda and gets a sense of betrayal because they feel they did not get the worth of their money. Some newspapers may for example have more of advertisements that news. This is abnormal since readers generally are interested in news than advertisements. A very small percentage of people buy newspapers to read advertisements unless they are advertising job and vacancies or it is the people who placed those advertisements and want to check that they were produced correctly.

The print industry in Uganda is likely to continue growing but will have to put up with the challenge of facing steep competition from radio, internet and television. As more people get access to internet, a good number of them will choose to read the news from the net while others may opt for radio as their major source of information. Newspapers are going to find themselves in an unenviable situation of whether to publish their news on the internet and allow people to read it free of charge or withhold it to force them to buy printed copies which would mean losing out on possible advertisers on the newspaper websites. Whichever trend the print media chooses to take there are likely to be obstacles brought about due to information age and globalization. It is survival for the fittest.

Why must doctors first strike?

2009-12-03T01:08:00.000-08:00

By Sam Stewart Mutabazi

SIR — Doctors, nurses, teachers, police officers and soldiers are professionals who should be respected and appropriately rewarded by any government. This is because they protect and save the lives of our citizens, including government officials.

All these professions have a direct effect on the welfare of the people. In my view, however, doctors and nurses play a more critical role of treating the sick. They therefore need to be well-facilitated in order to do a good job. Unfortunately, this is not the case. Medical workers are the only category of educated professionals I know who engage in what one may term as “menial labour”. While the majority of professionals use their brains to do their duties, medical workers use both their brains as well as their hands.

Since 1986, when the NRM came to power, medical staff in this country have had to resort to strikes more than five times because of poor remuneration and working conditions.

The recent strike by Mulago hospital postgraduate doctors is one among the many we have witnessed and are likely see more strikes in future if the problem of inadequate remuneration is not addressed. It has become a kind of custom that in order for them to be listened to by the government, they have to first go on strike. Most of our doctors in whom government invests a lot of resources during training, end up practising in Europe and America where they are well-paid. We continue to export medical workers as if Uganda has enough of them! I am fully aware that Uganda’s income is still low but we must learn to prioritize our needs in the most suitable manner.

Besides, it is not enough to increase the salaries of medical workers without increasing the health budget, such that the health centres are equipped with not only motivated staff, but also the patients who visit these health facilities will find medicine and appropriate equipment. With increased health spending we shall avoid unnecessary strikes, which are normally more costly to the nation in terms of death of patients and man-hours lost by the striking personnel.

New Vision Saturday, 14th January, 2006

INTERESTING QUOTE ABOUT DEATH BY MUTABAZI SAM STEWART

2009-11-23T00:04:00.000-08:00

“Sometimes death happens so fast that the one it has taken doesn’t realise that they are dead”

Mutabazi Sam Stewart

23rd November 2009

WISE QUOTATION ABOUT GOD’S POWER AND THE UNIVERSE

2009-11-15T23:28:00.000-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Even people with the smallest brains have asked themselves the question about how far the boundaries of the universe stretch. It is humbling to realise that even the greatest minds have scratched their heads about the same question for centuries without any tangible breakthrough. Would we therefore be incorrect to suggest that people with feeble minds and the greatest thinkers have something in common – inadequacy of understanding of God’s ability and creation?

14th November 2009

ENDURING THE INDIGNITY AT THE EMBASSY; WHO WILL SAVE US THE EMBARRASSMENT?

2009-10-19T00:57:00.001-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

In a world when globalization and international interaction is at its peak, travelers and globe trotters keep enduring situations that are not very friendly. More and more people are crisscrossing from one city to another to do business and to attend to other personal issues. Air transport is by far the most common international travel but for one to use this means of transport, one has to go through difficult circumstances which unfortunately, would be avoided if stakeholders in the travel industry and embassies cared to do things differently from what has been done for many years.

According to a study commissioned by Massachusetts Institute of Technology, (MIT), the world’s airlines flew almost 28 million scheduled flight departures and carried over two billion passengers in 2006. The growth of world air travel has averaged approximately 5% per year over the past 30 years. For majority of these travelers, moving from one destination to another is not easy. Various countries have different travel restrictions which most often are not only annoying but are degrading and dehumanizing. People across the globe have spoken about the hallowing experiences they have gone through trying to get travel documents from different embassies and consulates at different entry or exits points in different cities and towns.

There are some norms and tendencies which are practiced the world over and they have become acceptable even though they are wrong and unacceptable to most people. It is known that norms are rarely questioned. But this doesn’t mean that they are acceptable or noble. It just means that a sizable number of people, though not believing wholly in the same practices, may not have the requisite determination to change them or the people who are supposed to change them are reluctant to change them because of one reason or the other. When a practice is repeated for a long time, it becomes a norm and when a norm is practiced over a long period, it becomes a custom or a culture. One norm that has been practiced for a long time relates to the issue of visa handling and travel document handling by embassies and governments in various capitals around the world.

Queuing for services at airport lounges and standing in open spaces while awaiting a visa to enable one travel from one destination to another is an unacceptable norm that has come to be accepted by most travelers as a normal procedure whereas not. . It is a common sight at most airports to see people herded together in a queue when they are going to be cleared at airports. With the threat of terrorism after the incident of September 11th 2001 in America, many security agencies have upped their alertness to the fullest to protect the traveling public. This has however become more of an inconvenience than a protection. People are striped of their clothes, ordered to remove their shoes and belts and told to pass through metal detectors more times than necessary. All this is in the name of “we can’t leave anything to chance”. These security people are as annoying as terrorists themselves.

The second category of humiliation is that experienced at embassies. Most embassies do not have enough space for visitors let alone, people who come to collect travel documents. In the hot tropical regions of Africa especially, travelers have to stand in open spaces at different embassies waiting to be cleared. Very few embassies have well furnished lounges where people can wait as their visas are being processed. The reason for this anomaly is not that all embassies or their home governments can not afford to put up those structures but rather it is because it is a practice that has been inherited from past generations. The problem of relegation of human dignity at embassies is induced by international policy failure where the world has not taken interest in investing in infrastructure that is comfortable enough for people who intend to travel, but has instead opted to invest large sums of money to ensure that passengers get the best comfort only when they are aboard a plane, not before. Put simply, it doesn’t matter what people go through when they want to travel even if they have to stand in a long queue on an extremely hot day at the South African high commission in Kampala or at the French embassy in Congo Brazzaville. What is more worrying is the fact that the world is in unison on this. It doesn’t matter whether one is from a developed or developing country, the mistreatment that travelers endure in both instances is, to a great extent similar.

At the American and British embassy/high commission in Kampala, the Ugandan public complained for quite a long time about the humiliation those two missions were subjecting the applicants to but nothing much was changed. With the relocation of the two missions outside the Central Business District of Kampala, most people thought that the issue of putting in place a pleasant waiting room for visa applicants would be provided. This was never to be the case. Although the British High Commission for instance decentralized its visa handling section, it did not put up a specific structure where its clients who may need other services can wait from. Although the American embassy has the largest and latest structure among all foreign missions in Uganda, it doesn’t cater for people who come to seek for visa and travel information. One would be tempted to believe that, possibly the architects of that building wanted to punish all the people who come to this embassy to seek to the said services. Otherwise what would be the rationale of designing the embassy in such away that the car park accommodates no more than fifteen cars at a time and is located five hundred meters from the main embassy entrance? What about the five security checks one has to be subjected to before they are allowed to proceed any specific office?

Something that doesn’t need mention is the money that people pay in form of application fees to get visas. A visa application fee to US now costs $131 while the one of UK goes for £67. It is not automatic that when one pays that money they would automatically get the much sought after travel document. What one is sure of is the fact that the money they pay is non refundable irrespective of whether one is successful or not. Thousands of people, especially from developing countries, mainly in Africa apply for visas to Europe and America which they never get. Tales have been told of people who have applied more than ten times without getting the visa. This translates into millions of dollars which developed countries siphon from developing countries in an indirect manner.

Improving the current trend and process of visa acquisition at any embassy is not only the right thing to do but also the sensible thing to do. It is the right thing to do because traveling from one destination (country) to another is part and parcel of human life and development. It is a sensible thing to do because human beings everywhere are supposed to be treated with some level of dignity at all times. The continued failure by the world to recognize their failure in this endeavor is not only a misdemeanor but a serious threat to world development where the wrong norm has come to be accepted as the right practice across the globe. The act of making people stand in the sun for long hours is not only demeaning to the largest number of people that travel, but it also brings to the fore the uncaring attitude of persons responsible for developing policies and regulations that guide the transport sector and the diplomatic interconnectedness not only in the developing world but in the developed nations as well. I am not sure as to why it has taken the United Nations (UN) this long to a draft treaty for member countries to ratify which would require signatories to recognize that traveling from one country or destination to another in dignity is a human right, and a fundamental one at that.

INTERESTING QUOTE ABOUT MARRIAGE BY MUTABAZI SAM STEWART

2009-09-03T04:28:00.000-07:00

"Marriage is like death. A person who is in it cannot adequately explain it to someone who is yet to experience it".

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart
3rd September 2009

WISE SAYING BY MUTABAZI SAM STEWART

2009-08-24T01:41:00.002-07:00

LIFE HAS NEVER BEEN FAIR, YOU ONLY HAVE TO BE FAIR TO YOUR SELF

WISE SAYING BY MUTABAZI SAM STEWART

2009-08-24T01:41:00.001-07:00

LIFE HAS NEVER BEEN FAIR, YOU ONLY HAVE TO BE FAIR TO YOUR SELF

24th August 2009

THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE CREDIT CRUNCH ON NON GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS

2009-08-14T03:08:00.000-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

A credit crunch is an economic condition in which investment capital is difficult to obtain. Banks and investors become wary of lending funds to corporations, which drives up the price of debt products for borrowers. Usually occurring during a recession, it indicates that banking institutions are unwilling to take on additional credit risk. If things stay bad, then the situation can end up in a depression. A depression is simply a prolonged recession.
It is important for us to first understand the history of recessions and depressions in world history. During the great depression of 1929, unemployment in America was at 25% and wages (for those who still had jobs) fell 42%. Total US economic output fell from $103 billion to $55 billion and world trade plummeted 65% as measured in dollars. A depression on the scale of that of 1929 could not happen exactly the way it did because institutions have been enhanced, the world has advanced in terms of financial management and most central banks around the world are much aware of the importance of a prudent monetary policy to regulate the economy. One question which still puzzles many people especially non economists is how the situation could be allowed for the world economy to degenerate into a credit crunch yet we have the means to forestall it. Didn’t economists have the capacity to roll back the credit crunch before it could cause any financial damage it has done?
The world economy and individual countries’ growth trends will always experience ups and downs. It’s a normal occurrence that only needs to be well managed so as minimize the impact. Once a recession has occurred it takes some time for economies to return to normalcy. That’s why it important that it should be avoided because it sets every sector into panicky mood hence offsetting only negative consequences prominent of which is massive unemployment and decreased production. It is not clear when the crunch will end. Although there seem to be positive projections in USA and Britain that good times are within view.
It is well known that the credit crunch has had a direct effect on the private sector. The sector which has however suffered silently has been that of voluntary and nonprofit making including local and international Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs). This sector has not been greatly affected because it doesn’t depend heavily on the banking industry like the private sector does. Very few NGOs have loans and mortgages from financial institutions because their operations are mainly funded by goodwill and voluntary donations and grants. Ironically this would ordinarily be the reason why they ought to be affected. The fact that the largest chunk of NGO funds are from the private sector, means that when that sector suffers, the resource flow for NGOs becomes unpredictable. Local NGOs in Uganda are mainly funded by Northern NGOs which are essentially found in developed countries. But northern NGOs also get funds from private companies, individuals and governments. The amount of money they collect determines how much they shall pass on to their partners in developing countries in form of grants. Available evidence indicates that although many local NGOs are suffering silently, the situation is not as bad as what the private businesses are experiencing. The only reason why the crunch has not adversely affected Oxfam International for example is because the biggest part of its budget is funded by major institutions such as UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) and the European Union (EU). Voluntary donations from individuals have however fallen drastically in the last eight months, according to the organization’s dossier. In 2006-2007, Oxfam’s total income was £290 million, out of which £61 million was raised from public authorities while £105 million was from donations from various sources.
NGOs have recently become major channels through which official development assistance is passed to developing countries to support various programmes. Their budgets have therefore been increasing steadily since early 1980’s. According to World Bank figures, 12 per cent of foreign aid to developing countries already was being channeled through NGOs in 1994, and as of 1996, the total amount was $7 billion worldwide. Today, NGOs in Africa manage nearly $3.5 billion in external aid compared to under $1 billion in 1990. According to Newsweek Magazine International (5, September 2005), the Comparative Non-profit Sector Project at Johns Hopkins University studied 37 nations and found total non-profit NGO operating expenditures in 2002 of $1.6 trillion.
Most voluntary organizations that deliver services are likely to meet an increase in demand for these services as the number of people affected by the crunch keeps increasing. At the same time most, if not all organizations, will witness increased costs. This is likely to hit humanitarian organizations most. The cost of food, building materials and general cost of living are likely to alter the overall projections of most organizations’ future cash outlay. In some cases NGOs may have no option but to lay of some of their staff to reduce expenses while others may opt to either completely suspend some of their activities and programmes. The challenge may arise when programmes to be put on hold are the core ones that target the poor. Some organizations may even be forced to close. It is important for NGOs to start thinking about the repercussions of the international financial crisis, re-evaluate their policies and plan long-term strategies without necessarily affecting their programmes which affect the poor. They should look for sustainable sources of funds rather than depend on timely short-term ones.

A critical analysis of the situation in Uganda indicates that prominent international NGOs are not recruiting new staff as they were a few years ago. They have suddenly gone “underground” and have not come out to explain the obtaining situation. Apart from press releases issues by their mother organizations back home, the regional and branch offices in Uganda are not willing to state their position and how they are faring. Be that as it may it is generally known that most of them have cut their budgets while others are trimming expenditures which are not considered vital. According to the Head of Public Relations of Oxfam UK Ms Magda Walter, her organization has for instance laid off 5% of its staff and has, in addition not been filling vacant positions for the last one year. The organization has been preparing for the economic down turn for months. In an interview with NGO Media, Walter says they had prepared their staff emotionally, culturally and mentally for the consequences of the credit crunch.

Among the international NGOs that have reportedly been affected are Oxfam GB, and the Catholic Relief Services (CRS). They have confessed that the global market recession was affecting their activities as they could no longer meet their targets. This might in one way or the other affect beneficiaries of interventions from these organizations. Although many organizations are affected, a good number may not actually come out to tell the public about their financial standing for fear that it may affect their performance and image. World Vision, one of the most respectable and largest international organizations operating in Uganda with a presence in more than 30 districts could be among those affected. Its annual budget for 2006 was about $2.1billion. This figure has almost doubled to the current budget of slightly over $3.5 billion almost equivalent to Uganda’s current GDP. Half of World Visions budget comes from private donors. It is not yet clear how the credit crunch has affected the organizations budget given the fact that more than half of its total income comes from institutions and private individuals living in USA, a country most overwhelmed by the credit crunch. In the midst of this gloomy picture, some NGOs are beginning to place emphasis on generating their own funds rather than depending on donor funding. Others are making effective use of available resources, for instance by outsourcing projects in order to save money. Some are using volunteers while a few have sent their staff on forced unpaid leave promising them that they shall be recalled when the situation normalizes. It is a game of trying to keep afloat during unpredictable times like these.

***The writer is a Human Rights Defender

WHY HAS DEVELOPMENT ELUDED BLACK PERSONS FOR SO LONG?

2009-07-24T01:55:00.000-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart
The future of most black persons in the world continues to be bleak, highly dependent on other people that developed their capacities long ago. Black persons are the poorest among the poor in the world. Well-meaning efforts by statesmen and patrons to better the lives of black people especially those living in Africa have not yielded impressive results. Some writers have called us a cursed race while others have heaped the blame of the Blackman’s predicament on the Whiteman who ‘whitewashed” Africans to remain in perpetual poverty. One such writer is, Daniel K. Pryce who, writing in Ghana Times newspaper says, “That Africa's collective growth ― social, political and economic ― remains stunted many decades after all colonists had departed for their respective native countries is indicative of what I generally refer to as a congenital splotch on the mental terrain of the black man. If after so many decades of pervasive self-determination Africans are still unable to unflinchingly meander through the quiescent tides of basic economics and social organization, then I am sorry to state that there is little hope for both the present generation and posterity alike”.
Whereas many countries especially in Europe and Asia have taken comparably shorter periods to uplift their living standards, it is taking what seems like eternity for Africans to achieve development. In some situations, parts of Africa remain almost as backward as they were more than 200 years ago, if not worse off. Famine and diseases are in some cases as intense as what was obtaining during what is commonly referred to as “the dark ages”. Africa is at crossroads because it has not yet decided on which development model to adopt. Countries like Thailand chose the path of investing in their people who later transformed the economy from the bliss. Britain invested in industry. Germany was interested in funding technological research and innovation. USA emphasized liberty and freedom for her people to realize their full potential. Japan emphasized innovativeness together with replication of best practices and technological advancement. Africa has been using all the above approaches but the results seem to be dismally disappointing.
Some scholars such as Timothy Kalyegira, a leading local social critic, have made astounding proposals which have attracted outright rejection and rebuttal. Kalyegira has variously argued that Uganda was better off under colonial rule than it has been after attaining her independence. Of course Kalyegira is not alone. There is a sizeable number of people who believe that we should hire leaders from the west to manage our countries and lead us into prosperity like they have done in their own nations. All these are maneuvers to find an answer to the problem that seem not to have a workable solution.
President Yoweri Museveni has identified Africa’s problems and has gone ahead to suggest solutions as well. These too have remained proposals and assumptions. The fact is that we all know the problems of Africa but we don’t know what we are supposed to know when it comes to solving them, because if we knew, we would rightly apply appropriate measures to help our lot.
We have been advised by everybody including those who give us grants that aid has never developed a country and it will never do in the near future. But the givers and receivers continue to give and receive with deceitful belief that the unthinkable may happen, that Africa shall develop through aid and become economically self-supporting. One of the questions that has been asked about Africa’s underdevelopment has been that “Is the west responsible for developing Africa?” of course not. America for instance does not have a duty to develop Africa but Africa has a right to development. But I personally believe that if for instance America has been able to develop her potential to such levels, through conquering the earth, the sea and the space, it seems to me that America should be judged harshly for the small oversight it has made to shamefully remain indifferent to Africa’s problems for such a long time. Of all the problems developed nations have solved within and outside their boarders, Africa’s underdevelopment remains one of the sticking issue that is yet to be addressed. Would one be right to imagine that Africa’s problem is not important to attract the attention of the west? When will the turning point for Africa arrive? Isn’t it about time that Africa weaned herself from the west by rejecting aid and advice since this is the only thing we have not tried out? Africa is desperate and desperate situations call for desperate actions.

** The writer is a Human Rights Defender: mutasamste@yahoo.com

Mutabazi Sam Stewart: Interesting Quote about Love

2009-06-06T05:20:00.000-07:00

Mutabazi Sam Stewart: Interesting Quote about Love

Two Famous quotes from VS. Naipul

2009-06-06T04:36:00.000-07:00

"The writer writes and the outer world has it's say as well. I don't mind criticism for the strange reason, I seldom read it"

"One writes about one's emotions, and emotions are not always based on emotions. There are emotions based on situations"

Author: VS. Naipul Author of Miguel Street

20th March 2008 at a Public Lecture organised by Literature Department at Makerere University, Kampala

Transcribed by Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Interesting Quote about Death

2009-06-06T04:29:00.000-07:00

"Che Guevara is dead, Patrice Lumumba is dead, and i too, am not feeling too well"

Nathan Byamukama quoting Prof. Issa Shvji of University of Dar es salam

1st june 2009

Interesting Quote about Love

2009-06-06T04:15:00.000-07:00

"Love what you have especially if you cant have what you love"

Hilary Benemigisha (New Vision Newspaper)

6th June 2009

NGOS IN UGANDA NEED A COMPLETE OVERHAUL

2009-06-01T02:30:00.000-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Non- Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Uganda have been roundly criticized as inefficient entities that are mainly interested in accessing resources from western donors to promote individual interests while claiming to work for the cause of the marginalized, the disadvantaged and the poor. The unending syndrome of NGO workshops seminars and conferences have made skeptics to wonder why these institutions have to keep on wasting so much money on meetings that hardly make any impact on the purported populace on whose behalf the NGO’s claim to be working. Uganda is regarded as one of the leading countries with the highest number of NGOs. According to the NGO Board, the body responsible for registering and regulating the activities of NGOs, approximately 100, persons and groups of people express their interest to register an NGO every month. Out of these about half are actually issued certificates. The total number of registered NGOs in the country is not known because majority do not fulfill the requirement of filing annual reports with the NGO Board after registration. A good number of NGOs stop at registration while others operate only for a few years before going into limbo.
Many NGOs are run like small individual business entities without well drafted mandate, vision and mission. They struggle to keep up their operations by diversifying their sources of revenue especially from foreign donors. Their impact is hardly felt but they keep boasting of great successes and achievements. They are run by all sorts of people ranging from well qualified to those without any basic education. They replicate services and they often claim to be what they are not. They are not accountable to anybody because the Board of Directors, the topmost decision making body is either non-existent or is deliberately kept in a weak position so as not to question any discrepancies by the head of organization secretariat who is in most cases “the owner’ of the organization. Members of the Board are usually not highly educated or are not conversant with the dynamics programme implementation and organizational management principles and practices. They rarely audit their books of accounts and neither do they reveal their incomes and expenditures to their members or communities which they claim to work for. The finances (revenue) are erratic and job security for their workers is never guaranteed. They hire and fire workers at will. Most NGOs carry out their activities and programmes by accident rather than by design. They jump at every opportunity without any due consideration to their values, why they exist, what they want to achieve and in what period. For instance, an NGO whose programme revolves around working in the area of HIV/AIDS may find itself applying (soliciting) for funds from a donor to implement activities related to landmine detection in northern Uganda. I have also come across organizations whose official stated objective is to promote health rights doing work related to democracy and good governance. All this is happening because there is very little professionalism when it comes to NGO administration, management and performance appraisal. Anybody can start up an NGO and manage is the way he or she deems fit without adhering to any rules and regulations whatsoever. To most NGOs, the motive to access resources overrides the desire to remain strategic and focused on why the NGO was formed in the first place. An NGO without a clear and distinctive focus is as good as non existent. It can never be effective in its programme implementation. Its programmes and activities are always done in a haphazard manner and the outcome there from is nothing but mediocre services. The focus of any organization can only be derived from its mission, vision and goals which are supposed to guide its growth, expansion and delivery of services to the targeted population. It is a trend that most NGOs have embraced the culture of coining mission objectives for themselves but these often remain on paper. Employees do not fully internalize the importance, let alone the meaning of a mission and vision of their organization. It is one thing to have them and it is another to follow them. Any organization, however fake it may be has capacity to formulate high sounding, well drafted objectives. But it takes a focused team of highly talented and disciplined individuals to transform the goals of an organization from paper to results. The corporate world should help NGOs in Uganda to come up with a development agenda that is workable if the NGO sector is to make any headway as far as sustainable service delivery is concerned. The beginning point is for NGOs to develop well-thought-out policy papers that will guide them during programme implementation. Most importantly however, NGOs must aspire to run their activities in a more systematic way just as the corporate companies are doing, by respecting the rules of the game. They must build their capacities from within by putting in place and respecting various structures before they think about transforming and working for communities.

**The writer is the Head of NGO Management Programme
Cavendish University Uganda (CUU)
Tel: 0772-882547
Email: mutasamste@yahoo.com

DO YOU WANT TO GET MARRIED?

2009-04-16T06:28:00.000-07:00

Seeking for a marriage partner is a payless full time job.

(Mutabazi Sam Stewart)
16th April 2009

DEATH PENALTY WILL NOT END CRIME

2009-03-24T06:07:00.000-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

I was surprised by the comments in the press attributed to Rev. Can. Grace Kaiso of Uganda Joint Christian Council that he supports the death penalty. Maybe it is because Rev. Kaiso’s organization is not in the mainstream human rights work and he is, therefore, not well conversant with the current global campaign against the death penalty. One of the major challenges human rights advocates worldwide face is the issue of death penalty because it touches the epitome of human rights. Without life one cannot talk of human rights. Life must, therefore, be guarded jealously in order for one to enjoy the other rights. Although currently, the right to life is not absolute, it is increasingly becoming clear in international human rights standards that even hard-core criminals have rights, among these, the right to life until the creator decides to take it away from them. It is extremely important to take note of the fact that death penalty is not a punishment because the culprit is never given chance to reform. Death penalty contravenes the constitution and other international laws. Article 20 (1) of the Constitution says, “Fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual are inherent and not granted by the state”. The state uses the death penalty in a selective manner. One wonders how decisions are made on which case deserves a death sentence and which one does not. What yardstick is used to decide which offender deserves a death sentence, and which one deserves imprisonment? Any crime is potentially big depending on who has been wronged. To a political leader, such as the president, treason is one of the worst crimes one can commit, while to other people, theft may be worse than treason. Rev. Kaiso needs to scrutinize the advantages and disadvantages of death penalty. As a man of God, he will be surprised to discover there is more to gain in reconciliation than in destruction. Death penalty is the highest form of intolerance. Worst of all it may be applied to innocent people because of the inadequacies and limitations of the law. There are many instances worldwide where individuals have been hanged only to find out later that they were innocent. But the harm is already done and it is irreversible. Death penalty does not benefit anyone — neither the offender nor the aggrieved.So long as mankind continues live on earth, there will always be criminal activities for various reasons. Incarceration and imprisonment are so far the best choices we have. Complete elimination of offenders through capital punishment is like drawing water from the lake using a spoon. No matter how many criminals are hanged, more will come up. The state has the duty to protect all its citizens and to help the offenders to reform.The writer is a human rights activist

QUOTABLE QUOTE BY MUTABAZI SAM STEWART

2009-03-10T02:43:00.000-07:00

“Human rights can be equated to a universal religion whose mission is to make the world better. Human Rights defenders must evangelize and propagate Human Rights beliefs and tenets to all peoples of the world with a purpose of attaining a fairer and freedom-filled universe”
(Author: Mutabazi Sam Stewart 19th February 2009)

Taxation without services is tyranny

2009-02-26T06:15:00.000-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

The level of development of a country is determined by the wealth of its people. The richer the people the more likely the richer the country and the reverse is also true. Accordingly therefore, Uganda is a poor country because its people are poor. The debate about which solutions are most effective in the fight against poverty in Uganda are as interesting as they are confusing to the population.
Ugandans seem to be split between accepting the declared rosy figures of poverty reduction during the 22 years of the NRM government and the actual reality of the not so comfortable standards of living of majority of people both in the countryside and in towns.
Independent minded observers rightly think that the current government has to a great extent transformed the economy. A big number of "bourgeoisie" (middle class) has been added to the meager group that existed prior to 1986.
This argument is further enhanced by the evidence of the economic miracle brought forth by the carefully planned but wrongly executed policy of economic liberalization that has made the private sector especially in a few urban centres buoyant than the situation was under the mixed economy before 1990. But the question that continues to bother many people is; what have the taxes we've been paying all these years done? There is no medicine in hospitals, many roads are impassable, including those in the city centre, costs of education are about to run people nuts.
And wait a minute; the parliament just recently approved a new tax - the local service tax - that will further milk the already emaciated folks of the Ugandan public. The introduction of that tax could have come at a worse time when workers both in the formal and informal sector are reflecting on their plight.
Government revenue through taxation has more than tripled since 1986, excluding grants from development partners. Uganda's total revenue collection in 1986 was approximately 900 million dollars as compared to the current 3.5 billion dollars.
Whereas the total debt burden for the country was about 800 million dollars in 1986, it now stands at a whopping 4 billion dollars in spite of the fact that Uganda was recently one of the few Highly Indebted Poor Counties (HIPC) that benefited from massive debt cancellation arrangement from the Paris group of creditor nations where up to 4 billion dollars of its external debt was rescinded.
People everywhere do not like paying taxes. It is bad when such taxes are direct. It is worse when majority of the people have a perception that the taxes they pay are not being put to good use.
Although in economic terms a tax is a non quid pro quo (amount paid is not necessarily equal to service rendered) payment, it is supposed to be an unstated agreement, that the money they pay should be comparable to the services they receive.
It may make unpleasant reading to you that while you have been suffering under the weight of new taxes, a lot of this is being used to support an unsustainable and quite ineffective size of public administration.
Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs) by the IMF and the World Bank resulted into the loss of jobs for many ordinary Ugandans who were supporting hundreds of ordinary people.
That however failed to stop the growth of government's expenditure. On the contrary, the size of Uganda's public administration has not only become a point of ridicule but of immense pain to Ugandans who are having to dig deep in their pockets to support it.
The only difference was that public enterprises, though not profitable did not require enormous budgets from government to sustain themselves.
Although government extended subsides to these companies in form of grants and tax waivers, the situation could not be compared to the current scenario where government has to foot the total cost of maintaining new institutions. The cost of running these departments has to be solely bone by the tax payer.
In the current situation of an almost stagnant economy and increased prices for most commodities, the low income earners have to bear the full brunt of spending more in form of taxes amidst static wages.
The creation of more districts, slots for members of parliament, more statutory bodies has further compounded the situation. Local governments at district level have pressured government into reintroducing graduated tax, now called Local Government Tax.
This reminds me of a quotation by the famous writer Henry Mencken that "When a new source of taxation is found it never means, in practice, that the old source is abandoned. It merely means that the politicians have two ways of milking the taxpayer where they had one before".
It is true that most districts (old and new) are suffocating due to low revenue. Even the poorest districts expect to squeeze their already impoverished residents to pay this tax in order to pay innumerable district staff that hardly have any purpose apart from attending workshops and meeting and reading newspapers.
Most of the districts especially the new ones are facing a bleak future even after the introduction of the new local service tax. Many are just not viable. It is a matter of time that they ask the central government to re-annex them.
The current status where districts cannot provide services to their people but spend the largest percentage of their revenue to pay their salaries is frightful and a recipe for economic pestilence for the whole country.
Taxation, just like medicine, is only good when administered in moderation; its consequences can be catastrophic when the patient (read people) is forced to take an overdose.

Published May 02, 2008. The writer is a human rights activist:mutasamste@yahoo.com Tel: 0772-882547

OTHER REGIONS ARE NOT BUGANDA’S CONCERN!

2009-02-11T02:46:00.000-08:00

By Salongo Emmanuel Muwanga

SIR— For quite sometime, several people have expressed opinions against Buganda’s proposals, especially on federo (federalism). Sam Stewart Mutabazi in the guest writer’s column of your August 24 edition, page 11, makes a number of arguments. Firstly, he says although federo will uplift Buganda, only Buganda will gain from this type of governance while the rest of Uganda has everything to lose. Secondly, he argues that the federo agitators in Buganda are not “nationalistic” because they don’t explain its effect on the rest of Uganda. I wish to emphasize that Uganda is not a nation and nationalism should not be seen in Uganda’s context only but in the context of the nations that make up the state of Uganda. When Baganda urge for federo, they are fighting for their nation, Buganda. How federo affects the other regions (Mutabazi seems to suggest economic effect), is not the responsibility of Baganda but of the people s of these other regions. All regions should strive to uplift themselves, and the earlier they realise this, the better. Thirdly, Mutabazi argues that federo can’t ensure that resources flow from richer Buganda to poorer regions. Now, does Buganda owe these other regions a living? What right do the poor regions so-called have to milk Buganda for their own development? Fourthly, Mutabazi says Mengo is not explaining the role it wants the Kabaka to play under federo. In my view, the Baganda know the role they want the Kabaka to play. Non-Baganda like Mutabazi should not be bothered because the Kabaka will never have power in their regions save only in Buganda. When I read opinions like those of Mutabazi and many more, I come to the conclusion that all other regions want to be parasites on Buganda and that Buganda should be milked in order to develop other regions. That is the main cause of the hatred towards Buganda. The scenario is not sustainable, a t least in the long term.

Salongo Emmanuel Muwanga Ndejje - Kyaddondo Wakiso District
Published on: Saturday, 4th September, 2004

INDETERMINATE HUMAN RESOURCE PLANNING; THE LONG ROUTE OF UGANDA’S DEVELOPMENT PATH

2009-01-12T08:54:00.000-08:00

A paper presented at the 6th Uganda Society Scientific Conference 17th -18th December 2008 at Kyambogo University.

Key words: Human Resource, Planning, Development

Introduction
Economic, social and political transformation of any society is largely determined by the level of investment that particular society has put in its human resource. Human resource is the single most important resource for any society (country) to be able to achieve meaningful economic development which is sustainable because human beings are the agents of development. This paper explores and makes a critique of Uganda’s journey since independence to date, scrutinizing efforts, policies and programmes put in place by government and other development partners to develop the country, through human resource empowerment. The paper offers an insight on the prevailing bottlenecks and challenges that have hindered the process of attaining positive human resource transformation over the years. It evaluates Uganda’s situation vis-à-vis scenarios obtaining in various developing countries mainly in Sub-Saharan Africa and makes a comparison of mechanisms and policies employed by developed nations to transform their economies through deliberate human resource planning and intervention policies. The paper also analyses the controversy surrounding the recommended policy by the government of Uganda to promote and emphasize Science based subjects rather than Arts courses as a unified measure of causing development in the country. The paper makes a strong case for the need of deliberate long-term strategic planning of Uganda’s human capital that is tangible, well defined and meticulous.

Human Resources Development (HRD)
HRD is a process whereby individuals learn through experience to be more effective. It aims to help people utilize the skills and knowledge that training and education has given them, not only in their current jobs but also for future posts as well. It embodies concepts such as psychological growth, maturity and increased confidence. (Steve 1998). HRD is the integrated use of training, career development and organizational development to improve personal and organizational effectiveness. (Ralph Stone1997) HRD is a label covering a wide range of activities which should lead to better capabilities and hence effectiveness of the human resource. (Allan Fowler: 2003).

Human Resources Development is a framework for the expansion of human capital within an organization or country. It is a combination of training and education that ensures the continual improvement and growth of both the individual and the organization. When you are educated and trained, you are likely to develop your career, social and economic life. Development is therefore both qualitative and quantitative change in an individual. HRD activities are designed to produce change in the physical and mental efforts people put in their work; produce behavioral change of employees; produce greater capabilities of individuals within the organization and help individuals realize their potential.

Adam Smith states,” The capacities of individuals depended on their access to education”. (Kelly D, 2001) Human Resources Development is the medium that drives the process between training and learning. Human Resources Development is not a defined object, but a series of organized processes, “with a specific learning objective” (Nadler, 1984) Human Resources Development is the structure that allows for individual development, potentially satisfying the organization’s goals. The development of the individual will benefit both the individual and the organization. The Human Resources Development framework views employees, as an asset to the enterprise whose value will be enhanced by development, “Its primary focus is on growth and employee development…it emphasizes developing individual potential and skills” (Elwood, olton and Trott 1996) Human Resources Development can be in-room group training, tertiary or vocational courses or mentoring and coaching by senior employees with the aim for a desired outcome that will develop the individual’s performance.

A successful Human Resources Development program will prepare the individual to undertake a higher level of work, “organized learning over a given period of time, to provide the possibility of performance change” (Nadler 1984). Human Resources Development is the framework that focuses on the organizations competencies at the first stage, training, and then developing the employee, through education, to satisfy the organizations long-term needs and the individuals’ career goals and employee value to their present and future employers.

Human Resources Development can be defined simply as developing the most important section of any business its human resource by, “attaining or upgrading the skills and attitudes of employees at all levels in order to maximize the effectiveness of the enterprise” (Kelly 2001) The people within an organization are its human resource. Human Resources Development from a business perspective is not entirely focused on the individual’s growth and development, “development occurs to enhance the organization's value, not solely for individual improvement. Individual education and development is a tool and a means to an end, not the end goal itself”. (Elwood F. Holton II, James W. Trott Jr) HRD starts at individual and organizational levels but ultimately it benefits the whole country. This calls for government to give a helping hand to organizations and companies to continuously improve their human resources. The activity of developing human resources can never be left to the private sector alone. There must be a comprehensive policy by the state to plan for the same over a very long period of time.

Importance of Human Resource Development
Human Resource is the most Important and vital Factor of Economic Development. It can be said that humans are the agents of development. Human Resource or Human Capital are important because:1) Country Develops if The Human Resource is Developed: To enhance economic development the state constructs roads, buildings bridges, dams, power houses, hospitals, etc. to run these units doctors, engineers, scientist, teachers, are required. So if the state invests in a human resource it pays dividend in response.2) Increase in Productivity: The better education, improved skills, and provision of healthy atmosphere will result in proper and most efficient use of resources (non-natural & natural) which will result in increase in economic production.
3) Eradication of Social and Economic Backwardness: Human Resource development has an ample effect on the backwardness economy and society. The provision of education will ultimately have a positive impact on the way of thinking for the majority hence transformation

EDUCATION & TRAINING

Education is the process whose purposes are to impart knowledge and develop the way mental faculties are used. Education is not primarily concerned with job performance. (Kempton John; 1998) Educating oneself has become the hallmark of our times. Formal education equips the individual with logical, rational and disciplined way of thinking (McDonald Kimberly: 1991). This endeavors to impart knowledge, skills and necessary attitudes to perform job related tasks. (Cascio Wayne: 1998). Training is performance based and competence driven. It is about improved job performance and behavioral change.

EDUCATION & HUMAN RESOURCES FOR UGANDA
Uganda was previously known to be an education power house not only in East Africa but the rest of the world as well because of its competitive education systems. Government has allowed the standards to consistently decline in spite of the outcry from both the academic world and other social circles. Another classic example of the deteriorating standards of education systems in Uganda, apart from UPE is Makerere University that has over the years been falling in international university world rankings. According to the latest rankings of world universities updated in January 2008, the 86-year old university is now placed at number 47th, seven steps up from where it was last year. Although the ranking has improved, infrastructure and learning atmosphere has not changed at all. Unless radical changes are introduced at the Ivory Tower, as it used to be called, the university’s international and national status will continue to decline which will ultimately affect its academic products.

Developing countries don’t have enough well trained human resources. Those who are well trained usually find it difficult to offer their services in their countries because they are paid low wages. In Uganda for instance not withstanding the fact that the country produces few doctors and other medical professionals, the few that are trained end up going to developed countries where they expect to get better pay than they would get if they stayed around. Brain drain is seriously hampering the efforts of developing nations by making the already bad situation to become worse.

Uganda has over 20 registered Universities majority of which are private. They produce approximately 20,000 graduates annually who qualify in various fields (NCHE 2007). Although government has come out to emphasize that students should be encouraged to study science courses, this policy is still shrouded in mystery. Many courses being offered in the country remain largely inappropriate due to poor planning and forecasting. Some courses that were introduced at public universities long time ago are still being taught in the same form and content almost fifty years ever since. For example Makerere University under its faculty of Arts continues to teach the course of History that is completely irrelevant and out of touch with Uganda’s development needs. This is not to say that history should not be taught in our schools. It should only be taught in as far as it is relevant and should as much as possible be relevant to Uganda’s aspirations.

Universal Primary Education (UPE) which was introduced by government in 1997 was a well intentioned programme, if well implemented would have had enormous positive impact on the development trend of the country in the years to come. It has however been roundly criticized and rightly so because it was hurriedly introduced without carefully considering the likely upheavals it would encounter. Hardly was any consultation done. It was as if the whole programme would work miraculously. The consequence as has been a high dropout rate of children from schools and other attendant problems.

Perhaps the biggest criticism about UPE has been the continuous decline in education standards in majority of schools where the programme is implemented. There have been consistent allegations that students who go through UPE schools are not as knowledgeable compared to the ones who go through private ones. Primary education being the foundation and most important level where an individual attains critical aspects of academic self realization means that Uganda is going to face a greater challenge in future when the children who are benefitting from such a poor education finally become part of the pool of human resources that are supposed to drive the country towards development. Uganda will have to incur extra expenses to retrain such people and at the same time we are going to face a serious challenge because such people are not easy to retrain compared to those who are groomed in their early education life. It is very pertinent that government realizes early enough that few best trained persons are better than many ill trained persons who are as good as illiterate.

The development direction of any country is largely determined by the legacy of its institutions of higher learning (Bratton John 1998). Universities form the backbone of any country’s development aspirations. They are pioneers of research and development ideas. They help to refocus the development goals of a country. Where universities are not well facilitated countries will have problems to achieve meaningful development because the people who are supposed to champion development are mediocre. The earlier a country invests in its human resource and specifically in the education system, the earlier it will reap the benefits there from. This is not to say that government has not achieved anything in as far as education of its citizens and planning for its human resource is concerned.

Government efforts for instance in establishing the National Council for Higher Education (NCHE), a body responsible for ensuring quality higher education and regulation universities, must be recommended. This institution must however be supported and encouraged to ensure it lives up to the expectations of the wider public. NCHE must be strict in enforcing its regulations and should guarantee that universities that don’t meet minimum standards are told to improve in the shortest possible time or completely closed down when they fail to comply. NCHE should also put in place monitoring systems such that all institutions of higher learning in Uganda maintain the highest standards possible at all times. Only through this way, can we produce and maintain human resources that are up to the challenge of developing the country.

HUMAN RESOURCE PLANNING (HRP)
In order for a country to attain consistent and meaningful human resource development, it must make human resource planning a priority because without it, resource development and development itself may either be hard to achieve or it may take a longer period than is necessary. According to Decenzo and Robins (1996), human resource planning is defined as “a process by which an organization ensures that it has the right number and kinds of people, at the right places, at the right time, capable of effectively and efficiently completing those tasks that will help the organization (country) to achieve its overall objectives”. The implication of this is that HRP translates the country’s development objectives and plans into the number of workers needed to accomplish the tasks at hand.
In sum therefore, HRP is a systematic and continuous process of analyzing a country’s human resource needs, with the view of developing appropriate HR policies to fill them. Human resource planning is a dynamic process. It needs to integrate with the wider national objectives through strategic development and manpower planning. The key elements to ensure the achievement of these objectives are: fair and appropriate selection practices; identification of overall skills profile; investment in training and development; and anticipation of supply and demand. HRP ensures that people (human capital) are available for the smooth running of the state in every department and for every work or activity and assess the country’s position in terms of demand and supply of human resources in view of the changing circumstances. It matches the demand and the supply of all human resources geared towards fulfilling the country’s development agenda.

STRATEGIC HUMAN RESOURCE PLANNING
Strategy is a means to an end i.e. a plan, policy, course of action, approach, and tactic, line of attack, manner, method, mode or practice used regularly to attain a goal. It is also a means to succeed. The concept of strategy is defined by Johnson and Scholes (1993) as: ‘the direction and scope of the organization over the longer term, which ideally matches its resources to its changing environment and in particular, its markets, customers, and clients to meet stakeholder expectations’. The strategic management process involves the Visioning and developing a mission statement, setting objectives, crafting a strategy to achieve the performance objectives, implementing and executing the strategy evaluating performance, reviewing the situation and initiating corrective adjustments.

SHRP is an integrated approach of ensuring that plans and decisions regarding human resource requirements of the organization are carefully matched with both short term and long term business strategy. A business strategy should take the changing environment and how its affects the future performance of the organization. The benefits of strategic approach to managing human resources provides better guidance to the entire nation to the crucial issue of what the government is trying to do and how to do it. It makes government more alert to the winds of change, new opportunities and threatening developments and provides technocrats with a rationale to evaluate competing budget requests from various sectors of the economy. It also helps to unify the numerous government strategies and creates a more proactive management and counter acting tendencies for decisions to be reactive and defensive.

Factors that may have an impact on strategic human resource planning:
Political instability- it leads to migration of productive and most needed labor force ( brain drain), capital flight, inequality of incomes etc
Taxation- tax evasion, tax avoidance
Demographic factors i.e. changes in population structure.
Structure of the population.
Technological changes.
Rules and regulation on employment.
Mechanization of production.
Globalization has an impact /bearing on competitiveness.
Privatization.
Public service Divestiture Reform Program.

Assessing current Human Resources
The major concern of manpower planning is to make effective use of people through proper forecasting of the right number and kind of people required. Conducting an analysis of the present position of Uganda’s human resource, which documents the number of workers, their skills and experience is essential. Currently it is very difficult to get reliable data on all human resources in the country. What seems to be the norm is to make rough estimates about categories of persons and the skills they hold. With modern technology, the Human Resource Information System (HRIS) is utilized to generate this information. Internal analysis is best accomplished through job analysis which comprises of three major components i.e. job description, person specifications and job evaluation. A good job analysis is helpful in identifying the kinds of individuals government needs most or those that are most relevant according to prevailing needs. Government should provide guidance for decisions about training, career development to avoid people training in irrelevant courses that hardly have impact on its programmes. HRP analysis would help government to answer the “where are we and where do we want to go?” question in terms of the HR needs through human resource inventories. We have to match HR to the future requirements of the country and ensure the availability of distinctive capabilities and competences of the various cadres in different crucial fields

Technology with which international companies are producing their goods and services are rapidly changing. And this has a direct impact on Uganda’s human resources and development in general. Improved technology may require fewer people to do the job that has previously been done by many people. As a result, the demand for manpower may greatly reduce. Those with skills that are not very relevant may be laid off. In addition Ugandans must appreciate the essence of productivity. Employee productivity refers to the output per man-hour. If the employee productivity is high, it means that fewer people are producing more output. Companies would therefore require fewer individuals to produce the required output levels hence cutting costs. They must as well be punctual and desist from absenting themselves from work. Government must develop policies and methods of forecasting by using ratio trend analysis and simple arithmetic formula to arrive at desired human resource requirements for the whole country. It should also develop standards for numbers and levels of employees that are needed to do certain work by estimating the manpower demands based on past experiences and on a comprehensive national manpower and human resource plan.

Manpower Requirements
The balance between the outcomes of supply and demand forecasting determines future manpower requirements. This however, should be interpreted in line with future government development plans, depending on its priorities. The diagram below illustrates how government can ably implement simple but achievable versatile human resources through planning.

IMPLEMENTATION OF HRP (Manpower action Planning)

Rigorous HR planning links people management to the organization's mission, vision, goals and objectives, as well as its strategic plan and budgetary resources. A key goal of HR planning is to get the right number of people with the right skills, experience and competencies in the right jobs at the right time at the right cost. Implementation of the HRP is the final stage of the traditional HRP process. It is also considers the evaluation of the overall effectiveness. Implementation of plans involves consulting various stakeholders on what they think could be the manpower deficits and how they can adequately be addressed. The resource gaps identified become the leading determinants in meeting human resource targets. The main plan is he HRD plan under which, interest is put on: the number of people required for particular jobs and the programme for training them. There is also need to develop a control plan which relates the extent to which the planning process has contributed to the effective and efficient utilization of human resources and ultimately to the achievement of national objectives. Therefore the control plan will set out monitoring procedures to ensure that the targets set are achieved.

Conclusion
In conclusion there is need for government to determine human resource needs, establish human resource management policy, undertake Human Resource Development and make national development analysis to stay ahead of the ever changing global dynamics that in most cases have direct effects on our economy. Emphasis must be put to higher education, specifically at University level by dedicating more resources especially in the area of research. Development can never be achieved by chance. It has to be through deliberate well-defined programmes, executed through carefully thought-through planning. A country’s manpower largely determines its level of development. No country has ever developed throughout human history without investing in its human resources and in high quality education for its citizens. Uganda will not be the exception of this rule.

DOES POWER ALWAYS BELONG TO THE PEOPLE?

2008-12-16T00:36:00.000-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

No single debate or analysis can claim to exhaustively discuss all the facets of democracy, especially in Africa. Different countries still lack the conceptual clarity that clouds the understanding of democracy either by default or design. However there is the general standard of quality minimum requirement especially with regard to the respect for the rule of law. One idea that has come to the fore as part of the debate about third term for President Yoweri Museveni is the concept that Power belongs to the people and they have the right to choose how to be governed including changing the constitution at the sound of the whistle. This may be being a little bit unfair.

The state in which this country is in requires knowledge and understanding of how different processes in sustained democratic governance and rule of law are capable of furthering peace and security in future. Sustainable democratic governance depends upon a legal system that protects both majority and minority interests. Radical changes in laws and especially the constitution, which is the supreme law, need a great deal of justification. From the point of view of the level of development and democracy in our country, limitless terms are very undesirable. The argument that some Western democracies do not have term limits is only counter productive but it is also unrealistic because Uganda has not achieved self supporting institutions like those in the developed world that are able to dispense their duties accordingly, without any political interference.

Referenda have always been used to settle contentious issues throughout the world. However not every issue where public opinion is divided must be referred to a referendum. Although power belongs to the people, the same people must live and act according to the laws, which they themselves or their representatives made. A key determinant for successful democratic consolidation is the ability of democratically elected governments to guarantee the rule of law. And good laws are those that last. It is usually not what people believe per se which will shape the future of our democracy but what they do or do not do according to the existing laws. In many developing countries including Uganda, the very desire to demonstrate that democracy works even in poor countries should serve as a major motive towards the establishment of structures and institutions that are responsible and capable of defending constitutionalism.

As I have already noted, not every issue where public opinion is divided must be put to referenda. There must be special arrangements to ensure that the constitution has a way of protecting itself from abuse and distortion from unscrupulous leaders that are always eager to change it at the slightest opportunity to serve their selfish needs.

Those who are conversant with the way in which resolutions are adopted in most conferences and meetings will not fail to appreciate the fact that in majority of cases, the initiative is often taken by the bureaucrats at the top, who make good their vintage positions to influence the majority in adopting such decisions however unpopular they may be. Naturally, I will be forgiven for assuming that the impending amendment of the constitution to allow limitless terms is an initiative of some people who are reflecting that the demands are from the people of Uganda through the common slogan “power belongs to the people”. Perhaps the only difference is that the initiators of changing the constitution lack the courage to declare publicly that they are both the direct and indirect beneficiaries. The agitation for limitless terms is no more that mere intellectual exercise with little relevance to the realities of our country. There is no evidence yet to suggest that two five-year term is bad because it has not been tested. Therefore, the discussion is not about an accepted principle but what one can easily call manipulative gamble. It is fundamental that future constitutional designs must ensure powerful political actors do not use their offices to sway and influence public opinion about what people want or do not want under the guise of “power belongs to the people” phenomenon. This is however not to say that people can not use their power to determine what they feel is best for them. The case of Madagascar where people demonstrated in favour of President Ravalomanana is an example of people’s power. For Ugandans to allow the amendment of the constitution is to believe that the same constitution is not supreme and is just a mere document that can be respected only in times when it is in agreement with the wishes of the President.

SWITCHING ROLES IN PURSUIT OF DEMOCRACY IN UGANDA; THE PERFORMANCE OF CIVIL SOCIETY & MEDIA IN THE ABSENCE OF POLITICAL OPPOSITION

2008-12-01T04:18:00.000-08:00

Itroduction
More than twenty years of inhibition of activities of political parties in Uganda has had a great impact on their performance. It is more than two years after they were allowed to organize but their impact as vibrant political opposition is yet to be felt. In the absence of vibrant political opposition in Uganda two important actors took the position of highlighting the excesses and failures of government, a role that would ordinarily be played by political parties or opposition. The media and civil society Organizations (NGOs) have been instrumental in shaping public opinion and rallying the masses about the shortcomings of President Yoweri Museveni’s government. Even after the introduction of multiparty democracy in 2005, civil society continues to wield a lot of influence in determining the political trend of the country.

The growth in political party strength after the re introduction of multiparty democracy has generally tended to be positive. Though political space is not duly competitive especially due to deliberate restrictive government maneuvers, it is anticipated that more gains will be realized as the public embraces multiparty democracy and shuns individual merit system. In this paper we analyze how civil society and media have shaped the political trend in Uganda in the absence of opposition. We compare government and peoples attitudes towards multiparty democracy and explore how the transformations after introduction of multiparty system are influencing institutional development and democratic governance in Uganda. The paper constructs and defends a blended analytical approach to evaluation of attempts by political parties to fight for increased space. It takes a historical as well as current approach in analyzing the trend of events in Uganda’s movement in the democratic path up what it has achieved so far.

Genesis of Multiparty Democracy in Uganda
In 1967, Uganda got Republican constitution, which maintained a multi-party system of Government. The Constitution stipulated that after a general election, the Party with greatest numerical strength of the elected members would form the government. Further, under the Constitution, members of the National Assembly were deemed to have been elected for another term of five years. Parliament under the Republican Constitution was the Second Parliament of Uganda. The elections provided for under this new Constitution were never held due to the military coup which took place in January 1971. From 1971 to 1979 the Uganda Parliament was in abeyance, having been suspended by Field Marshal Idi Amin Dada, the then military leader.
Following the overthrow of the military regime in 1979, Uganda got an Interim Parliament known as the National Consultative Council. It was initially composed of 30 members who were elected at Moshi, Tanzania, but was later in 1979 expanded to 120 members. The Interim Parliament continued to be the Supreme Legislative Body until the general elections that were held in 1980. This was the Third Parliament of the Republic of Uganda.
When the NRM usurped power in 1986, they introduced a quasi parliament mainly consisting of ministers and NRA apologists. In February 1989, new legislation recognized the appointments of the original thirty-eight members of the NRC and provided for the enlargement of the NRC through the election and appointment of additional members. Each county and each district would elect one representative (only women could be candidates for district representative). In addition, one or more of the representatives would be elected by municipalities, depending upon the size of their populations. The original parliamentary representatives were legitimized by their participation in the guerrilla struggle, not by elections. Though political figures that had not been part of the NRM or NRA during the war were later appointed to the NRC and in 1989 elected to it, the original NRC members continued to occupy a privileged position. They did not have to stand for election to the NRC. In addition, their special status was formalized in February 1989 with the creation of the National Executive Committee (NEC), a standing committee of the NRC, to contain these original members plus one elected member from each district and ten members appointed by the chair of the NRC from among its members. The NRC was later to transform into the Constituent Assembly (CA) that formulated the 1995 constitution. In 1996 a fresh parliament was constituted under the newly promulgated constitution that barred individuals from contesting for office on political party platform. The restriction of political party activities was therefore achieved at this stage in a semi-legal fashion. Though unacceptably and unfathomably inconceivable especially in the eyes of international legal instruments, this obnoxious law was to be applied to all political opposition in Uganda for the next ten years or so in spite of strong resistance from both within and outside the country.
A referendum was held in March 2000 on whether Uganda should retain the Movement system, with limited operation of political parties, or adopt multi-party politics. Although 70% of voters endorsed retention of the Movement system, the referendum was widely criticized for low voter turnout and unfair restrictions on Movement opponents. Museveni was re-elected to a second five-year term in March 2001. Parliamentary elections were held in June 2001, and more than 50% of contested seats were won by newcomers. Movement supporters nevertheless remained in firm control of the legislative branch. Observers believed that the 2001 presidential and parliamentary elections generally reflected the will of the electorate; however, both were marred by serious irregularities, particularly in the period leading up to the elections, such as restrictions on political party activities, incidents of violence, voter intimidation, and fraud.
The Movement Political System
By legal Notice No.1 of 1986, the NRM, which formally suspended party activity, amended the 1967 Constitution and among other things vested the NRC with supreme authority of the Government and in particular, the legislative powers of the legislature. In essence individual merit system introduced in earnest at this particular time. Unlike multiparty democracy which brings together people of the same leaning wishing to achieve a common goal, the movement system allowed individuals to offer varied opinions and ideas about different aspirations which makes cohesion at group level to become totally disunited. In simple terms, the movement system can never promote or consolidate patriotism because there are no common goals under this so called system of governance.

The Movement political system was defined as broad-based, inclusive and nonpartisan with the following principles:
(a) Participatory democracy;
(b) Democracy, accountability and transparency;
(c) Accessibility to all positions of leadership by all citizens;
(d) Individual merit as a basis for election to political offices.

The person who benefited most from the movement system was President Yoweri Museveni who became larger than the system itself. The system made him too powerful than any other institution or groups of people and he liked the status quo to remain since this would guarantee his stay in power. One of the greatest weaknesses of individual merit system is that it effectively divides the population since individual politicians fight to outshine each other for recognition by the population and the president who rules like a king. Recent research in public opinion suggests that citizens do not have fixed issue positions. Each citizen has a range of views, not a single fixed one. As a consequence, persuasive communication can be highly relevant. Much depends then on the role of the parties in persuading potential voters. Particularly if a person has little prior information, then information reaching him will have a large effect. (Tjitske Akkerman 2003)

Regulation of Political Organizations
Political party activities were restricted by article 269 which stated that:
On the commencement of this Constitution and until Parliament makes laws regulating the activities of political organizations in accordance with article 73 of this Constitution, political activities may continue except-
(a) Opening and operating branch offices;(b) holding delegates’ conference;(c) holding public rallies;(d) sponsoring or offering a platform to or in any way campaigning for or against a candidate for any public elections;(e) carrying on any activities that may interfere with the movement political system for the time being in force.

Article 269 was clearly not in consonance with article 29 (a, b, d, and e) which states that
29. (1) Every person shall have the right to-(a) freedom of speech and expression, which shall include freedom of the press and other media;(b) freedom of thought, conscience and belief which shall include academic freedom in institutions of learning;(d) freedom to assemble and to demonstrate together with others peacefully and unarmed and to petition; and(e) freedom of association which shall include the freedom to form and join associations or unions, including trade unions and political and other civic organizations.
Whereas Article 75 says Parliament shall have no power to enact a law establishing a one-party state, many people have argued that the movement was nothing else other than a political party that sought to legitimize itself using ambiguous laws. It managed keep political parties in abeyance for twenty years because it was acting in a semi-legal fashion. In real terms political parties, as they are known world wide are supposed to recruit members, open branches, address rallies and field candidates. Other people have argued that President Yoweri Museveni would have completely banned political parties in Uganda had it not been the fear that this would attract too much condemnation from the west. Although parties were recognized in the constitution, they did not serve any purpose being constantly referred to in name. in effect the NRM government managed to rule Uganda without any opposition, not because there was non but because the state used its might to make the purpose of opposition appear irrelevant and less useful. To date president Yoweri Museveni still thinks that the NRM has been the best thing that ever occurred to Uganda as a country and that it has not and will not make any mistake that can warrant the opposition to point them out.

If ordinary citizens cannot exert a relatively high degree of control over leaders, then the minimal threshold of democracy has not been reached in Sub Saharan. As Robert Dahl has written, Africa is a place where demand for democracy exceeds supply. Presidents are shifting power away from the people and other arms of government. Larry Diamond contends that the political struggle in Africa remains very much a conflict between the rule of law and the rule of a person. Posner and Young point to incumbent’s losses at the polls in Africa in recent times plus attempts to erase term limits most notably in Nigeria. They however argue that while the holding of regular multiparty elections and the occasional defeat of incumbents are significant trends, the struggle to cross the frontier from personal rule to rule-based governance is still far from over in much of Africa.
Life is about choices. The more the choices, the more meaningful and fulfilling life becomes. Most governments in Africa are not comfortable allowing the people they rule to make choices about governance and democracy. Human nature is that most people, including leaders are not comfortable when they are criticized for their shortcomings. The role of the opposition is to critique government programmes and policies and provide an alternative view on how an issue ought to have been handled. Governments all over Africa have praise singers. Not criticizers. They are therefore either mindfully or otherwise narrowing the choices of the people by dictating that citizens must support the government in power irrespective of whether such a government is living up to the challenge or not.

Systems of personal rule have continued to clash with institutions intended to give expression to the popular will. The democratic upsurge of the early 1990s, the play of political and socio economic forces too complex to capture under the rubric of transition paradigm. The resumption of competitive party politics and the shift from static to market oriented economic systems heralded a reconfiguration of powers whose outcomes could not be predicted. Today, the evolution of this reconfiguration remains uncertain as illiberal regimes cling to power (Berendsen 2008). It is widely believed that as President Yoweri Museveni seeks to hold on to power, elections in Uganda are likely to continue to become successively less fair, less efficient and less credible.
Multiparty Democracy
Political parties form a cornerstone of a democratic society. They represent the interest of a particular group with a view to popularizing certain beliefs and ideas which are believed to be better options to transform a given society or country. Parties which are well managed provide the best avenue for democratic governance and growth of a nation through a system that is not easy to manipulate by those in authority.
For political parties to meaningfully deliver, they are supposed to be democratic from within and should allow free debate. Most importantly they must cultivate a culture of constitutional governance. It is great challenge for parties to become democratic because they have many interests and targets. But this alone cannot be the withholding factor. Whereas most political parties in Uganda have well drafted constitutions as their supreme guiding document, these constitutions have not been adequately implemented to the satisfaction of both party members and Ugandans at large. If political parties are not democratic, it follows without question that they will be worse when they assume power. A well meaning political party can never postpone constitutionalism and democracy with its ranks hoping to rectify this anomaly when it takes over power. At that time it may be too late to right the wrongs that were often neglected along the way. Democracy is like any living creature. It needs to be natured and practiced by those who agitate for it before it can become perfect (mature).

Democracy is an avenue by which people’s aspirations for a better future can be expressed and claims for redress made (Prempeh 2008). The French and the British consider party democracy as a central tenet of good governance philosophies. It is a core value that orientates their political attitudes and defines their identity. (Florence Faucher 2003) On the contrary, governments in Africa have a tendency of weakening institutions particularly opposition political parties deliberately. They are aware that well functioning, vibrant and strong institutions would seriously check all undemocratic tendencies of government.
For any society the transition from authoritarian state to egalitarian government implies major social and economic upheaval -- above all when the forces of opposition remain powerful. (Julius Ihonvbere 1998)
Democracy is about competition and choices. It places a sense of responsibility on those in power to exercise their authority responsibly with the people they govern at the centre of expected benefits of every action and programme undertaken by government.

Before 1787–89, most political thinkers would regard democracy as consisting only of the power of the people, an illusion that lasted throughout the 19 and 20th centuries. Yet, at the same time democracy has evolved into a composite regime that combines the rule of the people with the rule of the law. Constitutionalism — that is the development of counterweights to the unbalanced supremacy of the people — developed rapidly after the Second World War in European democracies under the influence of the American model. Enforceable human rights, constitutional courts, the territorial and functional division of powers, all became key features of European democracies. Although there is a broad consensus that democracy is founded on these pillars, there is disagreement over the correct balance between these components of democracy. (Tjitske Akkerman 2003)
Current measures of levels of democratization are often mistaken to be an indication of the 'quality' of democracy in a more comprehensive and normatively more demanding sense. The same is true for some of the current criteria and indicators of 'good governance'. (Dirk Berg-Schlosser 2004) Although there is not yet any agreeable form of democracy for all countries in the world, multiparty democracy is widely seen as one of the best forms given its many advantages compared to other forms of democracy practiced in various countries all over the world.

Unlike the cases of Kenya and Tanzania, the democratic opening in the 1990s did not involve a shift from a single party to a multiparty system. Rather it involved a shift from the pseudo multiparty system under Milton Obote’s government to what the government called a Movement system. Until a constitutional referendum in July 2005, only one political organization, the Movement (also called the National Resistance Movement) was allowed. Until a constitutional referendum in July 2005, only one political organization, the Movement (also called the National Resistance Movement) was allowed to operate. The president, who also chairs the Movement, maintained that the Movement was not a political party, but a mass organization that claims the loyalty of all Ugandans. Until the 2005 referendum, the 1995 constitution required the suspension of political parties while the Movement organization is in governance. Other political parties could exist but are prohibited from sponsoring candidates and holding meetings. The president, who also chairs the Movement, maintained that the Movement was not a political party, but a mass organization that claims the loyalty of all Ugandans.

With the NRM's accession to power, the very existence of the old political parties, particularly the DP and the UPC, became an issue. The old parties were permitted to maintain their headquarters and to issue statements but could not hold rallies or campaign on behalf of candidates for RC elections. This decision stirred fears among adherents of the old parties that the NRM intended to consolidate its hold on power and eventually eliminate them.

Parties were finally freed by the Constitution (amendment) act, 2005 which came into force on 30th September, 2005 amended Article 72 of the Constitution thus: “Any person is free to stand for an election as a candidate, independent of a political organization or political party. Parliament, shall by law, regulate the manner of participation in and financing of elections by individuals seeking political office as independent candidates” However, the overall sentiments from the skeptics after the reintroduction of multiparty democracy is that no real change took place and that the transition is largely cosmetic. They maintain that in reality the movement philosophy and ideology reigns and there hasn’t been a fundamental shift in value systems and as a result party politics will remain peripheral, only tolerated as a necessary evil. (Arthur Larok 2007)

The Media in Uganda
The vacuum created by the ban of political party activities led the media to take up the role of opposition and to a great extent the media played that role effectively given the prevailing constraints obtaining at the time when the movement system of government was in force. The media performed an essential part in our democracy socially, politically. It was the main source of political information and allowed Ugandans to get to know the other side of government

Access to information is essential to the health of democracy for at least two reasons, first it ensures that citizens make responsible, informed choices rather than acting out of ignorance or misinformation. Secondly, information serves a checking function by ensuring that elected representatives uphold their oaths of office and carry out the wishes of those who elected them. The role of the press to disseminate information as away of mediating between the state and all facets of civil society remains critical

There is a growing view which one might call a new-age capitalistic determinism that has gained adherence among many influential journalists and thinkers. Yet, since democracy remains a popular notion with many liberal persons and since the media retains a self-image as the plucky defender of the Constitutional the term democracy has been less jettisoned than redefined. Within this new body of thought, "democracy" has come to mean the freedom of people to speak on everything else except being critical to government’s mistakes. From this perspective, democracy -the will of the people -- becomes more a "sanctimony" than a noble ideal, more an impediment to progress than the fairest way to bestow power on leaders. (Robert Parry 2000)
It is a sad truth of journalism that the media is often liked best when at its worst, and disliked most when it is at its best. Or, at least, that seems to be so in the often rocky relationship between the media and those in authority, whether in government or big business. (News Manual Online 2008) Very few governments like a free and unrestrained media. They dislike the media when it criticizes their policies or performance; they despise journalists when they give voice to opposing views and they absolutely loath them when they expose corruption in their own ranks. Ironically, of course, politicians in opposition usually love the media when they are doing their best work. It is only when they get into government that these same politicians suddenly see how awful the media really are.
We live in society today where the media plays an alarmingly big part in how we see our affairs and how our opinions are formed. The media has helped Uganda to grow its democracy by placing emphasis on issues that at one stage in time would have been considered strictly political. Due to media intervention Ugandans we now look differently at politics. Under ordinary circumstances, opposition political parties are supposed to act as whistle blowers about things that go wrong within government. Their allies in this Endeavour are supposed to be the media. Because political parties were too weak to pursue this role, it was instead the media feeding the weak opposition on the goings-on in government. The media thus became both the de facto opposition and the watchdog which is supposed to be its original role.

In one of the report by USAID titled “The role of Media in democracy: a strategic approach” it is agued that since the media depends on opposition parties for sources which are critical of the government, viable minority protected opposition parties are institutions that may support the development of an independent media. Opposition parties also help to institutionalize a culture where critical vies are tolerated. While some governments view this activity as destabilizing, it may be jus t the opposite since where press freedom is denied the opposition may turn to more violent forms of expression and protests.

Media development is supposed to be about the structural or institutional view of what it can achieve. It is the fourth-estate-of-the-realm view. Particularly one is interested in improving the quality of governance. The case to be made is that it should be emphasized that the set of institutions that are likely to promote responsive and accountable must include structural or institutional view of the media. It is the fourth-estate-of-the-realm view. Particularly when one is interested in improving the quality of governance - the set of institutions that are likely to promote responsive and accountable governance a fundamental part of the institutional mix ought to be a free, plural and independent media system. It ought to be seen in the same way as an independent judiciary, legislative bodies, free and fair elections, vibrant civil society and so on. Governance a fundamental part of the institutional mix ought to be a free, plural and independent media system. (Sina Odugbemi 2008)The media was Uganda’s basic resource for all the news concerning opposition politics during the era of the Movement political system. . The opinion expressed by the press influences the opinion adopted by the public. Lastly the issues the media deem important help set the national agenda. The most basic way the media influence public opinion is by offering knowledge about government decisions and access to government information. Daily the press delivers the raw information to the nation, which in turn forms into opinions. Without the media it would take the public longer to become educated about governmental proceedings. The media send messages across the nation.

Although the NRM government has liberalized the media industry in Uganda, there is a level beyond which government is not ready to allow them to transcend. President Yoweri Museveni has quite often threatened to close some media houses and indeed some have been clumped down which has resulted into self regulation and self censorship in order for such media to remain in good books of government. Print media remains the most vibrant agitator of democratic governance. Currently there are four major dailies in Uganda namely The New Vision, the Daily Monitor, the Red Pepper and Bukedde, a Luganda government owned but largely independent newspaper. There are more than fifty FM radios and up to seven Television stations in and around Kampala alone. The media has provided a platform to both opposition and government representatives to discuss issues. In some cases however, government especially when government is caught in serious breach of people’s expectations, and when some of its actions are indefensible to Ugandans, it chooses to keep mum. In other instances, instead of government coming out to explain to the public, it has gone a step further by threatening to close down media houses that host opposition figures. The opposition leader Retired Colonel Dr. Kiiza Besigye has been barred from addressing people on various radio stations and televisions including the state owned UBC TV.
The media has without doubt played a significant role in shaping and contributing to the few gains so far achieved since the reintroduction of multiparty democracy in Uganda. Some of the print media has even been branded opposition mouthpiece because of their consistent reporting about government excesses. Although radio and TV play a major role in disseminating information including that on democracy and governance, print media remains the strongest medium of exchange of political discourse especially among the elite population in most urban areas.

President Yoweri Museveni knows journalists can use their power of the pen to influence critical issues in the public domain which would systematically erode his popularity. He has therefore over the years developed a scheme to woo and offer better opportunities to critical journalists to work in different government departments hence silencing them. Because journalism is not a well-paying profession particularly in Uganda, the journalists often take up the “juicy” jobs offered which automatically means that they are politically silenced or if they are to express themselves, they normally tow the line that is support of government. What makes some of us worried is how much resources government is willing to commit to buying off critical journalists such that the media will remain neutral or not very critical of government. Whether this is practically possible is highly debatable. What seems to be obvious is that the current administration led by Yoweri Museveni is buying time in order to stay in power with as minimum critical voices as possible.

The strongest advocate of political reform from the media has perhaps come from the Daily Monitor that took on the role of the opposition during the time when political parties were not allowed to operate. Others are The Weekly Observer and the now defunct Crusader Newspaper. A few others including the government mouthpiece, The New Vision and the Red pepper have to some extent also helped to raise important political debates but not to the standards of the former. Government has often intimidated the media to silence it. It has been alleged that, sometimes, state operatives often go to newsrooms to stop newspapers from publishing certain stories. The Monitor was closed in 2002 for 10 days for allegedly publishing false news. Its sister FM radio station was closed as well in 2005. Government tried severally to block the notorious website, www.radiokatwe .com, which was publishing nerve wrecking stories about government and people associated with it. The authenticity of some of these stories is doubted but nonetheless, government felt uncomfortable with most of the publications which made some people to believe that, possibly, some of the issues raised by Radio Katwe could have been true after all. Otherwise why would government go all the way to block the website such that Ugandans would not access it?

It is true that there is to some extent careless journalists who publish unresearched work which makes government to become enraged. Some of the stories are completely out of context in terms of truth. The explanation for this however is that government is not in any way liberal with the way it releases information which leaves the media with only one option-speculation. Although readership of print media is still very low in Uganda as compared to Kenya, it nonetheless has almost the same impact if not more. This can be explained by the enthusiasm with which the elite public discusses topical issues especially those carried on front pages of major newspapers. The New Vision circulates an average of 35,000 copies daily compared to Daily Nation, the largest newspaper in East Africa which has a circulation of over 150,000 copies per day.

Media freedom even in well established democracies has been put to great challenge by the state and this means that it has to work hand in hand with other actors such as political opposition and civil society to stave off government negative reaction whenever it arises. As the old saying goes, that a good turn deserves another, the media stood with the opposition when they were not allowed to freely operate, now that parties have been freed, the opposition needs to stand by the media to further expand democratic freedom in Uganda.

The NGOs and their role in Democratic Governance
The end of long-standing authoritarianism in the late twentieth century provoked a global resurgence of civil society in the Third World that has driven scholars increasingly to ask how revitalized social movements impact democratic progress. Despite daunting theoretical and methodological problems in studying movement outcomes, and disparate historical and social conditions producing diverse, contending views of movement effects. (Suh, Doowon 2008)

In a struggle for democratic reform and transformation, key players stand out. These are civil society organizations and the media that have sought to keep government on its toes in demanding fair laws and a level field for all political actors to be heard. These include organizations such as The Uganda Joint Christian Council (UJCC), Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI), Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, International Republican Institute (IRI).

Hennie Kotzé agues that the role of civil society in the African democratization process has been severely compromised. He quotes Clapham who wrote more than a decade ago as having said “Sustained rather than sporadic activism is required, and the nascent civil societies are largely too weak to do the job, not only in Nigeria and Zaire (where transitions have become stalemated) and in Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Kenya, and Togo (where transition outcomes are still ambiguous), but also in Benin, Malawi, and South Africa (where transition outcomes have been more clearly successful). In nearly every case, the ability of civil society to help deepen democratic governance and put it beyond reversal remains in serious doubt.” I do not agree with Hennie because of the fact that governments in Africa have been deliberately keeping civil society weak including putting up stringent laws like those in Uganda such as the NGO registration Act.
Civil society is a self-appointed ombudsman of good governance and democratic accountability in every country. An organized and strong civil society has capacity to cause fundamental changes in the development process of a country and specifically on formation and sustenance of foundation base for good governance and democracy. From good governance, the country would reap the benefits in form of harmonized development that is based on justice freedom and equity for its entire people. Countries with a strong civil society have demonstrated that their citizenry enjoy more democratic freedoms than those where civil society is weak. Civil society both local and international has played a key role in ensuring that political parties and indeed the opposition in Uganda are strengthened to provide a viable alternative government in waiting. Civil society is a strong force in mobilizing masses. They have an advantage of time and potential of mobilizing resources both from within and outside the country to create an impact in terms of political accountability and expediency for the people by government.

As for “political” activities, Ugandan NGOs are not permitted to belong to any political group. They cannot directly or indirectly support a political candidate running for office. NGOs can actively participate in the election process through conducting educational seminars on current topics of political concern, including understanding the platform of various candidates. Moreover, organizations are allowed to engage in monitoring and observing the electoral process, documenting the flaws in elections, cooperating with the Electoral Commission, and proposing improvements to the electoral process. In the past, organizations have supported candidates in their bids to challenge election results.

The NGO Registration Act and its implementing regulations allow the Government of Uganda to exercise considerable control over the operation of NGOs. An NGO is prohibited from operating in Uganda unless it has registered with the National Board of Nongovernmental Organizations (“Board”). (NGO Registration Act 2(1)) When issuing the certificate of registration to the NGO, the Board may grant the registration subject to conditions or directions “generally as it may think fit to insert in the certificate, and particularly relating to: (a) the operation of the organization; (b) where the organization may carry out its activities; and (c) staffing of the organization.” (NGO Registration Act 2(2))

The limitation arises when government is not comfortable with the work of NGOs because it is aware of the power they yield. According to Human Rights Watch Backgrounder Report 2001, The NGO board's powers are extensive. In granting registration, it can specify "conditions or directions" for the NGO concerning its "operations" (a term that is not defined in the law), where it may carry out its activities, and it’s staffing. Once registration has been granted, the NGO board has further powers enabling it to "guide and monitor organizations in carrying out their services," and to summarily revoke an NGO's registration if the NGO is considered to have contravened any of the "conditions or directions" that the NGO board set when approving its registration. All these are deliberate attempts by government to keep civil society weak and incapable of challenging government on its shortcomings.
The current law provides for an excessive degree of state control and interference in the activities of NGOs. The mandatory registration requirement means that the government, through the NGO board, has full powers to determine which NGOs are permitted to operate. NGOs that wish to engage in legitimate activities within the community can be prevented from doing so legally, if the government disapproves of them, by being refused registration. NGOs may also be required to carry on their activities under conditions or in locations not of their choosing, or not to employ or to dismiss particular individuals, such as known government critics or opponents, from their staff. Or, having obtained registration, NGOs may be summarily closed down on ill-defined grounds of "public interest" by order of the NGO board. In such case, the NGO board is not even required to provide detailed reasons or disclose evidence in support of its decision to revoke registration, and the NGO is denied recourse to the courts or an independent judicial body, being permitted to appeal only to the minister responsible for appointing the NGO board.
The perception that NGOs that have obtained registration may be subject to continuous and potentially intrusive monitoring by the state is heightened by the presence of state security representatives on the NGO board. This, understandably, may lead NGOs to exercise a degree of self-censorship, including on important issues of public concern. Under the twin threat of surveillance and de-registration, it would be surprising if some NGOs at least did not feel obliged to adopt more cautious policies and practices than they would wish, and to steer clear of activities that, while entirely legitimate, could be controversial or politically sensitive, and incur government displeasure.
Civil society works on demand side of the political equation. They engage in honest and open political dialogue with government on the state of democracy. They also make sure the state can live up to the expectations and demands of the governed. Many citizens judge their governments by its ability to provide basic services such as security, health and education. Civil society is thus, aware that democracy plays an important role in provision of basic services to the people. In a country where political opposition is strong, the work of civil society is less because the objectives of the two, though dissimilar in nature are the same in character in a sense that they both fight to put in place an accountable government that is democratic in nature and transparent in its transactions. The ideal situation would be to have a strong opposition while vat the same time having a strong civil society which would mean that the two would work together to form even a stronger coalition that can easily suggest alternative policies for government and put it to task whenever possible.
Civil society and the media is credited for enhancing the access of desperate segments of the citizenry to the governance and development process. Civil society can contribute to improvement of internal democracy and social accountability of development programmes and enhance popular participation in such processes. It is important that both civil society and the media work hand in hand to promote the noble cause of promoting democracy and development. Where government tries to limit their spaces, each of the two should defend the other in order to create a strong force. In the long run it will become difficult for government to attack any of the two because it will fear the wrath that may come with is undemocratic actions.

Conclusion
The movement system has had a great impact on political trend in the country and it is not likely to be erased in the short run. Individual merit system was an ideal situation that is not practical in real terms. Though its ideals are fancy and enticing to especially a group of people one may term as ‘political novices” it is impossible to enforce the system without trampling on the rights of the people. It takes away the common values of humanity by promoting individualism at the expense of social cohesion. The existence of a healthy, respected and respectful opposition is a common feature of democratic politics. For a democracy to function properly, it needs an opposition to provide political contestation and electoral competition, thus limiting the power of the ruling party. In other words: no opposition – no democracy. (Hennie Kotzé 2008) The main obstacle to democratic progress in Africa therefore seems to be the resistance of autocratic leaders to give way to opposition leaders through free and fair elections. Most African countries have an excessively strong presidency, with opposition parties being 'plagued by weak organizations, low levels of institutionalization and weak links to society'. It will take a lot convincing to tell governments that strong opposition political parties are good for their countries. Leaders of most states especially in developing countries can only believe that policies are good only when they favour such leaders. The media and civil society have been instrumental in pushing for increased political freedom. The little gains so far achieved can be attributed to their efforts which can never be underestimated given the circumstances they were operating in.

Sex in prison is like giving a refugee a rocket ride to the moon

2008-06-16T03:14:00.000-07:00

Recently, the Commissioner General of Prisons Dr. Johnson Byabashaija was widely quoted in the print media as having informed a certain meeting that the Uganda Prison Service would soon allow prisoners to exercise their conjugal rights. This is not the first time prison authorities are making this pronouncement. And I am sure it is not going to be the last. It is always easier said than done. It has now become sort of an accepted norm for government officials to announce grandiose proposals which sound good to the targeted audience yet they don't mean what they say.
Conjugal rights for prisoners is one of the highest levels of enjoyment of rights that is uncommon in both developed and developing countries alike. Although human rights activists would want these rights to be recognized in all countries, in most cases it is simply not possible because of the issues involved to provide these rights.
Countries which currently allow conjugal rights include: France, Canada, Denmark, and Saudi Arabia. Regulated conjugal visits are allowed in USA, Brazil, Mexico City and Russia.
Of all the states that allow these freedoms, Saudi Arabia tops the list in providing the best amenities and systems needed for this right to be fully enjoyed because it was among the first countries in the world to allow this practice.
In fact Saudi laws go an extra mile of allowing inmates to have the right to get married while in prison, including those on death row. No country in Africa, including liberal South Africa can afford the luxury of allowing sexual rights in prison.
In the USA, inmates have to meet certain requirements to qualify for this privilege. Inmates on death row are not permitted visits in US. Even then conjugal visits also known as "extended family visits are currently respected and upheld in only six out of fifty states of USA. These are: California, Connecticut, Mississippi, New Mexico, New York, and Washington.
Conjugal rights have been rightly neglected because they are not easy to be guaranteed and implemented. To put the debate in context, human rights activists are not against prisons department allowing prisoners to have sex as a right.
Sex after all is a right to every human being. What we don't understand is how some prison official makes the announcement without substantiating it and makes the public and the inmates to wait for such a promise to be implemented in vain.
I have personally visited Luzira prison many times to check on the living conditions of inmates. I have attended many workshops in various places where prison representatives have had to present one complaint- lack of resources to make prisoner's rights a reality.
So how can the same people promise to provide what they know is out of their means. Sex in prison is a dream in Uganda today.
I agree that the prisons department is one of the least funded by government. The basic things that should ordinarily be provided to inmates are always lacking.
So, if thee basic necessities can not be provided how would they guarantee that prisoners would have sex in a dignified way worthy of a human being, not in a beastly manner.
For instance, prisons authorities are supposed to put up structures for that particular purpose with private rooms where essential commodities such as condoms, soap, toilet paper beddings etc, are supposed to be supplied.
Is Luzira Prison capable of doing this? Countries that are implementing conjugal rights in prisons affirm that it is a difficult issue to enforce. Even in its enforcement many more rights are violated therein either conditionally or because of other attendant factors.
It is important to note that sex is purely a private matter between individuals. There is no way therefore the prison authorities would determine when and how an inmate would want to have sex.
Some of the questions that keep lingering in my mind include: How many hours each prisoner would be allowed with their partners? How about people with multiple partners? What of inmates who may want to have sex with fellow inmates? How would they treat prisoners who may need to have sex but don't have partners? Wouldn't they end up raping other inmates because of the many imaginations that would run through their minds as fellow in mates go in designated places to have sex? All these questions need clear answers before one can think about introducing sexual rights in prisons.
Incarceration means that people who are serving sentences have to have some of their rights restrained until such a time when they can regain their freedom after a stipulated time by courts of law.
Most important among these rights may include rights such as freedom from movement, limited right to privacy, limited right to contact with outside world among others.
There are however other rights which are supposed to be upheld at all times even when someone is in prison.
Rights such as the right to food, the right to shelter, the right to appear before a competent courts etc, fall under this category.
I am aware that prison conditions in Uganda have greatly improved given what it was in the eighties and nineties, but it has not yet reached a level where prisoners can be accorded the right to sex because it is impracticable.
It is a right that can wait given the fact that there are currently more pressing needs that need urgent attention to make lives of prisoners worthy living, even though they are in prison.
Providing conjugal rights to prisoners in Uganda is like taking an emaciated, skeletal refugee from Durfur in South Sudan on space adventure to the Moon and planet Mars. It may not make much sense to such a refugee. Neither would it to the rest of mankind.

Museveni, Mwenda wrong on high prices

2008-06-16T03:11:00.000-07:00

Recently, I was privileged to have been chosen to be part of the team of four people that were tasked to carry out a study on behalf of Food & Agriculture Organisation (FAO) and International Human Rights Internship Programme (IHRIP). The focus of the study was to establish how the budget at the national, district and lower government levels impact on the delivery of National Agricultural Advisory Services (NAADS) for small holder farmers to produce food which would translate into the realisation of the right to food for majority of Ugandans.
Our study findings are to be used in compiling a manual on "How Budget Analysis can Strengthen Right to Food Advocacy". This project is to be implemented in four countries namely; Philippines, Guatemala, Brazil and Uganda.
The study has been able to expose the inadequacies exhibited by NAADS programme since it was launched almost a decade ago. At its inception NAADS was supposed to be the redeemer of poor farmers by helping them to form groups, get training in modern agriculture practices and acquire knowledge in modern farming.
The whole programme was in general terms supposed to increase food production for the country such that farmers would have enough food for subsistence while the surplus would be sold off to markets domestically and regionally.
Stakeholders do not agree on the benefits of NAADS to Ugandans so far. Those who have benefited from it think that it has delivered while those who are not in any way linked to it think otherwise.
District NAADS Coordinators are currently some of the wealthiest officials at the districts where they are based because they control one of the largest budgets at that level.Throughout our interaction with them they laboured to explain to us how the programme has brought prosperity to farmers compared to the situation before NAADS advent. President Yoweri Museveni was fast to act in suspending NAADS funding after a public outcry about its failures. It had all along been public knowledge that a lot of money had been sunk into the programme but the greatest chunk of it had been used to organise workshops and farmer sensitization seminars while the rest had been swindled.
It is difficult to deny that NAADS has had a positive impact. But it is disgraceful for its officials to showcase its minute achievements vis-à-vis the resources that have so far been spent on the programme.
Cases were cited of coordinators who would buy local goats and pigs only to claim that they bought improved breed at exorbitant prices.Some were out rightly rejected by farmers, especially those who were enlightened enough, but others were taken up by unsophisticated farmers only to realize later that they had been classically duped.
We could not authoritatively ascertain, neither could we independently verify the information taunted by NAADS Coordinators that there is a direct link between the current high food production in most districts and the intervention by NAADS in providing such an enabling atmosphere.
What is undeniable is that food is currently enough in most rural areas we visited despite its high price in most urban areas.
This brings us to another fundamental question about the purposes of NAADS. The current scenario of high food prices in the city cannot in any way be blamed on scarcity of food in rural areas. The economics of food have, for the first time in many years defied the laws of demand and supply.
Whereas one would ordinarily have expected moderate prices because supply is high, the reverse is happening. Possibly we may see a new trend where the prices will go down when supply is at its lowest, although I highly doubt this is likely to happen.
The other issue that we may need to ponder about is that President Yoweri Museveni's assertion that high prices for farm produce implies high incomes for farmers. This kind of reasoning had previously been espoused by veteran journalist Andrew Mwenda while discussing scarcity of food around the world three weeks ago.
Museveni and Mwenda couldn't have been more wrong. The price of food can never determine the welfare of the peasants because the people who are the major buyers of this food are the elites who will seek to recoup what they have paid in form of high prices on food by hiking the prices of the services they offer and the manufactured goods they sell which the peasants cant do without.
Therefore, whereas a farmer may on the face of it get a high price by selling his Matooke, he pays more by paying for maternal services at a local clinic because the person treating them will have increased their price to be able to buy Matooke.
In fact, the farmer is better off earning less by selling his Matooke at a low price than earning more and paying more at the clinic. Another view may be that the standard of living of the farmer in the above mentioned scenario is almost constant, if not worse off because of the spiral effect the increase in the price of food is likely to generate hence leading to increase in most commodity prices across the board.
These issues put us in a dilemma on what the way forward could be in trying to improve food production and incomes for people who produce it. If we use the elimination method, we can begin by proposing that the hitherto method employed by NAADS of organizing too many training workshops is not among the solutions. Neither is it a solution to completely do away with NAADS.
The solution lies in the fact that government must strictly monitor its programmes and should always urgently respond to people's needs because a stitch in time saves nine.
Had the president listened to the people earlier, less money would have been stolen, and possibly more food would have been produced by farmers and prices would have been a little bit cheaper than they are now.
As things stand currently, neither the farmers in rural areas nor the elites in town are benefiting from the high prices of goods and services.

MEDIA FREEDOM UNDER ATTACK; IN WHOSE INTEREST?

2008-06-16T03:05:00.000-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Of late, there has been heightened unease about the trend of events of continuous limitation and curtailment of fundamental freedoms of Ugandans in relation to the right to assemble (association) and freedom of speech. The media both government controlled and private, has acted together to fight for space to air their views without intimidation and harassment from government with limited successes. Many analysts are wondering why government is acting this way at this point in time. Considering the hostile press government has suffered in the past years, today’s coverage, I would say is not as bad or as worse as it can get. Government needs to be assured that bad press won’t get better by muzzling the media.

Today, we shall deal with freedom of the press and hopefully we shall discuss freedom of association next week. The two are interlinked. Freedom of the media cannot be affected without affecting freedom of association and the two freedoms together form the greatest component of democracy in the true sense of it.

If state control of the media was the solution to covering up government excesses, the Zimbabwean regime would be enjoying the best publicity every government would envy. President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe thought that he would limit the level of negative coverage by introducing unacceptable press curbs for local journalists. He later alone banned international media from reporting within his country. The result was the exact opposite of what he intended to achieve. If the NRM wants to do it the Mugabe way, let it go ahead with this clamp down on media and freedom of assembly. Soon it will realize that the war against the media can never be worn by any government either in the short or long run. No matter the strength of a government, it must never underestimate the power of the media. Suppressing the media is like drowning a balloon under the sea. It will always come back to the surface.

The future stability of any regime can never be guaranteed under any circumstances. The media can only be intimidated once in a while. It can never be fully bottled up all the time. Intermittent hiccups and disruptions in the relations between the state and media will always occur and overzealous governments will always try to overstep their imaginations and political hallucinations but this can only be temporal, not permanent because it is not sustainable. Soon or later the regime realizes that it can’t catch up with the power of the media which may lead to the collapse of the regime due to reasons clandestinely orchestrated by benevolent media campaigns that are hard to censor.

The media in every country is like a herd of dogs which forebodingly guard the master’s house. An intruder who comes face to face with the first dog prays that it may not bark or make noise to attract the attention of other dogs because. Likewise, an attack on local media will almost automatically invite the wrath of international media fraternity, the consequences of which cannot be good for the country as well as for the sitting regime.

If government can be this concerned during these times when the media has been exercising some form of self censorship, what will happen when both local and foreign media decide to work together to put their foot down to report what they perceive to be accurate news!. May be government will at that time not only imprison journalists, it may engage a higher gear of public execution, Idi Amin style.

It would seem commonsense that any government would do anything within its power to portray itself as a protector of people’s rights no matter how it is provoked by the opposition and other forces bent on discrediting it. Cool headedness would, to any accomplished politician make more sense in forestalling and dissenting view that contradicts the government line of thinking.
I cannot have better words to advise government or indeed those close to public administration in any regime than declaring that the surest way to a fast lane of unpopularity, maladministration and an almost guaranteed way to secure regime collapse is for the sitting administration to inadvertently, with no clear reason, seek to control or hinder the flow of information, be it by muzzling the media or administering unnecessary control on media freedom and public debate. The consequences of such a policy are the same irrespective of which country it is applied and by which regime.

A free press can of course be good or bad, but most certainly without freedom the press will never be anything but bad. The 35th president of USA John F Kennedy once said “There is a terrific disadvantage in not having an abrasive quality of the press applied to you daily. Even though we never like it, and even though we wish they didn’t write it, and even though we disapprove, there isn’t any doubt that we could not do the job at all in a free society without a very, very active press”. Kennedy was only stating the obvious. Every government recognizes the importance of the media because even a bad press is better than no press at all. What puzzles most of us is why a government like President Yoweri Museveni’s that claims to have brought unfettered freedom to Ugandans would chose to become hostile to the media at this point in time. Don’t forget to join me next week as we look at freedom of association.

THE FOUR GREAT CONTROVERSIES OF OUR TIME

2008-06-16T03:03:00.000-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart
Homosexuality, abortion, prostitution and capital punishment are the most controversial issues that have divided the world view in equal measure with both proponents and opponents believing that they are correct. This column will try to highlight the major issues in the debate about what I have decided to call "the big four controversies". Lets first deal with homosexuality

Homosexuality

Human rights are first and foremost about individual choices. It is not anyone's business to put to task gay people to prove that what they do is actually natural. Many times, when gay people have been cornered to justify their actions, they say they are "born like that". They relate their sexual orientation to a person who uses his or her left hand having no choice about the same. Whether this is true or false is up to gay people to decide. But gay people are not under any obligation to explain to anybody why they do what they do.

Two consenting adult people who decide to use their bodies according to their wishes would have committed no wrong to the public so long as they do it within the confines of their bedrooms or in hidden places. Any government that tries to limit the rights of gay people through prohibitive legislation is only wasting its time and resources. The Law that seeks to prevent homosexuality is as redundant as its framers. This is because any law that is not easy to enforce is as good as non existent.

Problems arise only when gay people may need to popularize and publicize their acts to the wider public. This may constitute a direct danger to the population and need to be checked immediately. Just as it is not allowed for heterosexual people to have sex in public, gay people must keep their romance away from the public eye. Those that are fighting homosexuality are fighting a war they are sure they can not win, at least in the long run.

Prostitution
Prostitution is a manifestation of nothing else but the very nature and character of human beings because they engage in sex for other reasons other than procreation, to be specific, for pleasure, unlike other creatures created by God. To any moralist, prostitution is the last thing they would love to hear about. To them, it signifies the highest form of moral decay. It symbolizes putrefy that boarders on the margins of the Biblical road to total destruction of a society that condones it. But to liberals, prostitution is a sin just like any other.
Morality is defined by different people differently. Morality is debatable but human rights are not. Lest I am misunderstood, I must clarify that there are some minimum benchmarks or requirements that every society must conform to. Otherwise if every one was allowed to act as they wish, the world would run crazy. Besides, the concept and foundation of human rights is based on morals. Morality is such a big topic that it encompasses almost all aspects of human life. Would it be in order for instance any government to make laws that condemn premarital sex because it is morally not right?
How did government determine that prostitution is morally wrong and not premarital sex? Isn't this a clear indication of government allocating itself more powers than it actually has? Won't the same government at a future date declare which rights people would have to enjoy? What is clear though is that for some one to enjoy human rights they must be human beings. It is further assumed that all human beings have morals naturally. If we follow the argument of moralists, it may mean that prostitutes do not have morals and therefore are not human beings, which therefore means that they do not have any human rights.
Readers must understand that Laws do not provide human rights but rather they protect them. Laws only guide people on what they are expected to do in order to live harmoniously with fellow human beings to ensure unity and peaceful coexistence. A law that supposedly gives human rights means that that same law can take away the same rights through the same process that it provided those rights.After all laws are made by man and man is selfish and imperfect. The day human beings begin making laws to grant human rights is the day human rights shall start to become meaningless to humanity.

Capital Punishment

Capital punishment remains on Uganda's law books as a legitimate and legal practice. The last time the state killed people in large numbers was in 1993 when 29 people were hanged to death in Luzira Maximum prison. Currently there are about 300 people on death row in Luzira prison alone.
Impunity in human rights has never been an option of reconciliation. Nether is it tolerated as a means of resolving conflicts or maintaining peace and stability. Society must always punish wrong doers in order to deter them from repeating the same mistakes or committing more crimes. Punishment also helps would-be wrong doers to think twice before they commit crimes because they would be aware that they may suffer grave consequences. Nevertheless when punishment goes beyond the proverbial boundaries, it fails to achieve its purpose. Most scholars argue that the death penalty is actually not a punishment but an act of outright murder by the state. They argue that the objective of a punishment is to reform the culprit to become a better person. Yet the death penalty does not give the accused any chance to reform.
There is no mechanism to protect people who commit crimes unintentionally when capital punishment is in place. The worst scenario happens when wrongly convicted persons are executed only for contrary evidence to be adduced at a later stage when the innocent person is already dead. This forms the strongest base that reinforces the argument against the death penalty.
The other argument advanced by crusaders against the death penalty is that the practice perpetuates illegal killings. If the state can kill, why shouldn't its citizens do the same? In other words, capital punishment makes life of persons too cheap to be taken away by a mere stroke of a pen through a hangman's noose. Life in most developing countries is too contemptible to the extent that no death can shock the government. Instead, in addition to the many causes of death in Africa such as AIDS, Malaria, Hunger and Poverty, the state adds on another cause in the form of the death penalty.
The state determines what constitutes grievous crimes that attract a death sentence and a misdemeanor that requires the convict to only serve a jail term. One of the most dreadful among our laws is the one that relates to treason which is punishable by death. It smacks of intolerance, lack of democracy and is often more linked to monarchism, totalitarianism and dictatorship. People who are charged and later convicted of treason live at the mercy of the ruler who determines whether he should allow them to keep on living or to die.
We are aware of many freedom fighters that were hanged in their course of fighting for the cause of their countries. Those who were lucky not be killed later became important citizens and have helped to shape the destiny of their countries. A case in point is Nelson Mandela of South Africa. Can anyone imagine what Africa would have lost if the Apartheid Regime had decided to apply capital punishment on the person of Nelson Mandela during his jail term? Though the death penalty was on the law books of South Africa and Mandela was qualified to die under the same law, the white minority chose not to apply it. He was later to become one of the greatest pillars of freedom not only in Africa but in the whole world. The question is; how many Mandela's have been put to death by the state and how many more will die before the state realizes the mistake of killing people?
Abortion
The Bible condemns abortion. The Koran abhors it. Religion in general detests it. Moralists loathe it. Traditionalists and conservatives don't want to hear about it. Catholics hate it with a passion. The Anglican Church can't stand it. Christians and Moslems can't touch it. The state despises it. Despite all the opposition and ranting against abortion, it is being carried out in a semi-legal fashion throughout the world.Some countries have legalized it. But many are still resisting the change. Uganda is in the latter category.
As a consequence, many young and old women put their lives at risk trying to carry out abortions in undignified places with unqualified personnel. Recent research by Florence Mirembe et al shows that over 775,000 women in Uganda have unintended pregnancies and of these 297,000 end pregnancies through induced abortions. Government does not have the capacity to monitor every woman who gets pregnant to ensure that they do not abort. Neither does it have the mandate or authority to pry into the private lives of its individual citizens. Individual persons own their bodies and they are at liberty to choose how they want to use them. Any woman therefore who feels, for any reason, they cannot continue carrying a pregnancy, must be left to terminate it at will.
The duty of the government in this whole process instead should be to facilitate "safe removal" of the fetus from the woman who in her better judgment thinks she is not ready to have such babies. Opinions are abound of people who are opposed to abortion arguing that abortion should not be allowed because in having sex, women should be aware they may get pregnant. This is a shallow argument because scientific evidence suggests that human beings, on average and intentionally have sex primarily not for procreation but for pleasure. Therefore if in the course of having sex for pleasure, a woman happens to conceive, there should be no need for such a woman to ask for permission to terminate such an unwanted pregnancy.
It should be made clear to those who are against abortion that a fetus is not a human being and it remains a fetus until it is delivered as a baby. Whereas the law is kept in place, it serves no other purpose other than propagating underhand methods of operation of carrying out abortions, whose consequences are glaringly fatal. In keeping abortion illegal, government is killing its women citizens who can't access better services to remove fetuses they are not ready to have as children because of fear of the repressive law.
The social problems we face today are not as a result of lack of laws to protect human rights, but to the contrary, it is because we have many laws which are in most cases redundant and at worst without any objective and purpose. Today, some governments out of folly, highhandedness and ignorance have extended the boundaries of their mandate and jurisdiction by declaring what in their own understanding, and for their own motives call immoral human behaviour. Irrespective of how long it shall take the world to debate and meditate on the four controversies, I am convinced that, one day homosexuality, prostitution, and abortion shall be made legal and lawful and governments worldwide shall recognize the fact that killing criminals is like pouring water in a bottomless pit. It may take one hundred years or more, but it surely will come.

A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF PERFOMANCE BY EAC COUNTRIES

2008-06-16T03:02:00.000-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

The opposition in Uganda keeps putting government in the spotlight about the things the State ought to do but is not doing. Most people keep lamenting how Uganda is doing badly in terms providing democracy and improving the lives of its people. President Yoweri Museveni has often rebutted such claims by insisting that Uganda after all is doing even better compared to other nations in Africa. I took trouble to ascertain the truth about how countries in the region are fairing in terms of development basing on available statistics and using personal observations and experiences. I would have loved to cover as many African countries but my limited travel experience would not allow me to get first hand information that I needed to make a fair and balanced judgement in countries which I have never visited. I therefore chose to limit my area of analysis to the East African region, of which I have considerable exposure and acquaintance

I have been to all the capitals of member states of the East African Community i.e. Kampala, Nairobi, Dares salaam, Kigali and Bujumbura. I have been to most of the major towns and a few villages of these countries as well. The economic performance of a country can noticeably be recognised by the vibrancy of its capital, to a lay man who may not be interested in economic indices by IMF/ World Bank and UNDP. Without traveling to the countryside, one can get a sense of whether a country is doing well or otherwise, by the kind of activities going on in the capital city. If the people in the capital are living a miserable life, don’t expect those in the countryside to be doing better. i therefore believe that my analysis of situations in the countries will make a fair assessment

I have tried to analyse, informally the performance of states that make up the East African Community for a period of over ten years. I have discovered that each country has its own peculiar woes and achievements.

With a population of 10 million people, (It is the most densely populated country in Africa given its size) GDP of $8 billion, total revenue collection of $700, external debt at $1.4 Billion and life expectancy at 49, Rwanda has the best functioning public works system and management across East Africa. This is attributed to the policy mixture employed by the government there where, despite privatization and liberalization the state remains the largest investor in public enterprises which it sees as vital components of helping to uplift the struggling private sector. Rwanda is at the same time regarded as the most policed state in the region with a lot of curtailments on freedom of its people.

Burundi is the poorest country among the five countries surveyed going by both conventional statistics and through common man’s judgement. The country has a population of 8 million; its life expectancy is at 51 years. Its GDP, total government revenue and external debt are $6.3 billion, $256 million, and $1.2 billion respectively. The poor performance of the country is attributed to being the furthest from the cost which escalates its transport costs and unending wars and political instability that can’t allow the economy to flourish.

Uganda is arguably one of the most endowed country among the pack of the five that form the regional bloc. With the best climate, an average size and diverse population (30 million), Uganda is supposed to be doing far much better economically. As of now our GDP is at 31.2 billion, our revenue is a mere 2.8 billions and our external debt stands at 1.39 billion dollars after the debt cancellation under the HIPIC initiative. Uganda’s public sector could be regarded as, again, one of the worst in the region given what it was in the sixties and early seventies.

Tanzania has been a mediocre state ever since the days of Mzee Julius Nyerere. Despite being peaceful, the country seems to be stagnant as far as development is concerned. With a total land and sea area covering 945,087 sq km, population of 40 million people, revenue of $3.5 billion, life expectancy of 51 years, Tanzania seems to have slept for so long. Tanzania is a country that gets everything right in terms of governance and pro-people programmes but gets everything wrong on how to get results. It is the safest country in the region with the lowest reported cases of corruption and has the lowest external debt ($600 million). No body can put a finger on who “bewitched” Tanzania

The last country we can talk about is what is known to be the largest economy in East and Central Africa – Kenya. It has one of the busiest ports in Africa, Mombasa and its GDP is at $57 billion. Its public debt stands at $2.5 and its per capita income hovers around 300-350 dollars. The country boasts of a large private sector that has expanded into areas formally thought to be provided by the public or the State. Kenya’s biggest asset is at the same time its greatest weakness. It has one of the most versatile populations not only in East Africa but in Africa as a whole. Its cities and towns are the most insecure and its population can’t take no for an answer from government. Kenya wouldn’t be any different from Uganda if it didn’t have access to the sea. Its public sector, though better than that of Uganda is nothing much to cry for. Its upcountry roads are for instance worse of than those of Uganda.

What one can conclude from such a picture therefore is that President Museveni may be right when he says that all African countries are the same. For instance, although Kampala is the filthiest city of all the five capitals, a visitor who abruptly lands in the centre of any of the other cities would not make so much difference. On the other hand, the opposition is also right in demanding for better things from government. The fact that other countries are doing badly must never be tolerated as a valid reason to remain backward. It only calls for one action - if the current administration can’t pull Uganda to the top its better they ship out and let others try.

ARE HUMAN RIGHTS IN CONFLICT WITH RELIGION?

2008-06-16T03:00:00.000-07:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Many things have remained unclear in the world since time immemorial. But the most mythical have been issues related to religion and God. All attempts to demystify these issues by the greatest people have recorded minimal successes. The search for true religion keeps the world on tension with each religion claiming supremacy and authenticity over others. The more people question matters of God and religion, the more they get confused and the more they confuse other people. Religion remains the most powerful tool that unites and divides people in equal measure. Religion and faith have been interpreted differently by different people throughout history. Some religions have gone an extra mile to kill in the name of God. Whether this is acceptable depends on the indoctrination one received and the type of faith one confesses.

Philosopher, political economist and revolutionary Karl Heinrich Marx (1818-1883) was one among the many great thinkers that sought to understand the mysteries of God and religion. His powerful exposition that “Religion is the opium of the world” that keeps people sedated as they walk the grating journey through life on earth gave one of the most reasonable assurance the world had ever received about religion and humanity. I agree with Karl Marx to the extent that religion has achieved its purpose in as far as keeping people’s hopes high always expecting better lives ahead. Marx’s assertion is logically sound. I think that the world would not surtive even fob a day without religion and God. Take away religign from the world and {ou will have a mad world. If all the people of the world were to realize that God doesn’t exist after all, the kind of lawlessness and hopelessness we would experience would make the best policing systems to crumble at an overwhelming credence of a people that see no reason to live.

I wes tempted to write about this tmpic after reading a story in last week’s issue of The Weekly Observer that quoted a lady, Grace Kashameire, 55, who had been used by Pastor Imelda Namutebi Kel` of Liberty Worship Centre to hoodwijk church goers into balieving that she ha` been cured of AIDS because of Namutebi’s prayers. Although this lady asks for forgiveness, I personally think that what she did is unforgivable and inexcuqable, barbaric and inhuman. I further think that she is not sincere. She is a self seeker who, given chance, would do ajything irrespective of the impact such an actionwould have on the wider public. I am rediably il&ormed that thiS same 7oman had tried to sell dhe story to most top media hkuSes but they had refused to publish it. If I were an ddit/r, Iwouldn’t give her audienca either because she took tha public for ! ride gn an issue that is too delicat` to play with.

Pastor Namutebi and others continue to claim that they Can cure HIV/AIDS in God’s name, other liberal pastors and clergy deny dhis claim although 4hey accept that miracles do h`ppen even in present times asthey did when Jesus waq on eapth. Lay people like us get éonfured As to whom we can believe. Are mhracles porsible today? If so, what typ` of miracles and who can and c`nnot perfgrm them? These a e pertinent questions Raised by most of us but we can’t get ready answers becatse the man himself (G/d) who would provide the answers has chosen to remain mum for over 10 million (or is it a billion years since he put hisfirst creation (Adam) on this planet. Our role is to only keep praying that God may one day come out to explain to the world in no uncertain terms about which religion is right and which isn’t.

In all the foregoing, some people have questioned the relationship that exists between human rights and religion. Why are human rights proclamations very silent as religion keeps eroding the rights of the most vulnerable? Don’t people have a right to be told the truth about which religion to follow? Which one is right and which one is false? The answer is clear. Human rights are in total agreement with God. We believe that God exists and is the sole giver of life. The life that God gives provides the person first and foremost with a soul, and morals. These two are the most distinctive features about the human race that gives man the capacity and intelligence to choose right from wrong.

What is not clear in human rights is which religion is true and which one is false. Human rights however go beyond Godly doctrines. The only difference between human rights and God is that whereas God prefers righteous people to inherit his kingdom, human rights are for all people irrespective of their sins. This forms the strongest points of human rights because on the basis of what we stand for, we believe that the world is better following God’s ways but it is best recognizing the fact that people who don’t know much about God should also be allowed to live a decent life while they are still on earth. The strength of human rights is again its greatest weakness, because it protects people who take others for granted like Grace Kashemeire. Hundreds of people who believed her testimony will never be compensated. The only way for those people to get back at Kashemeire is to decide to refuse to forgive her as per her request as this is well within their rights. She should be treated with the contempt she deserves. In the meantime, may we treat our fellow human beings fairly, because in there, lies true religion, I believe.

GOVERNMENT TAKES BACK SEAT AS UNEMPLOYMENT LEVELS RISE

2008-02-14T05:23:00.000-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

On the eve of the New Year in 1991, President Yoweri Museveni addressed the nation on television and radio where he announced his government’s decision to fully liberalize the economy. The New Year 2002 therefore saw a complete shift from a market largely driven by the state to one that is controlled by private individuals and groups. The Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs) were to follow later with a full backing of International Monitory Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Privatization of all state enterprises was started in earnest and massive retrenchment was effected. As was expected, many people, especially those who were affected by job cuts reacted angrily to the decisions by government but those who were aware of globalization and its impact welcomed a liberal economy with open hands because they agued that development attained through state control and socialism was not sustainable in the long run.

Some of the people who were laid off during that period later went into private business and thrived while others, especially those who were used to the soft life provided by Civil Service found the new life hard to live. Some of these retreated to villages where they started a new life of subsistence agriculture while others continued to loiter around Kampala and accepted to live a not-so-dignified lifestyle contrary to one they had been accustomed to. In short, liberalization of the economy brought with it a mixture of fortunes for some people and challenges to others.

The first category of people who fully appreciate liberalization are those in government because it meant less work, less expenses and less commitment to improve the welfare of citizens as the case would be if they were still operating under a socialist or mixed economy. There is no doubt that the economy has grown considerably especially in terms of per capita consumption of goods and services. The other area where there has been marked improvement has been the housing and the automobiles sectors. The price of land within and around Kampala has jumped from an average of five million for an acre in 1992 to over 50 million shillings in 2007. The land in upcountry towns is steadily appreciating in value as well.

However in its quest to create a middle class of wealthy Ugandans, President Museveni’s government has left majority of people, mainly the peasants in extreme poverty. Universal Primary Education (UPE) which is the largest venture in terms of resources this government has undertaken since 1986 is not likely to bring in tangible results in the short run. Investment in physical social infrastructure such as roads, electricity and railways has not been given due attention. As such, the development by the private sector, especially in housing, has in an unprecedented manner, overtaken the social sector. For instance Kampala today boasts of some of the most beautiful houses comparable to those in developed countries, while the roads within the city are deplorable, to say the least.

Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has been quite impressive, but without corresponding recruitment rates. Unemployment is threatening the well-being of the economy and the security of people especially educated. Many investments which are being licensed employ up to only 50 persons who are in most cases semi-illiterate too. Universities today bring on the job market up to 10,000 fresh graduates every year. Majority of these are unemployed for the first two to three years and those who can afford often go into private businesses. These businesses often do not survive beyond one year because of low capital invested, lack of managerial competence and unsustainability problems because the business is used as a source of income for the family even before it becomes profitable.

Privatization and liberalization are the best economic practices in the world today because they promote innovativeness, competition and offer better services and goods. But they are certainly not the best option for poor countries such as Uganda especially when they are not backed up by deliberate government support through strategic intervention mechanisms and systems.

Uganda’s entrepreneurial capacity is still lacking. And it will take a very long time to develop it up to required standards. If the current government sincerely believes in developing the country, it must spend its resources strategically in order to uplift the economy. Government being the largest spender must spend on priority areas which can act as a key starter. Bonabagagawale (wealth for all) programme is not likely to have a positive impact because; individuals will get to little money to start up businesses given the fact that the programme is going to be rolled out throughout the country at once.

Government must as a matter of urgency create a conducive national employment policy but at the same time massively invest in graduates who can potentially kick start the economy through meaningful entrepreneurial development and sustenance. Before this however, more resources must be committed to the development and maintenance of physical social infrastructure, namely roads, railways, water and electricity because these are the real driving force of the economy. The notion which has been over emphasized that people should be job creators and not job seekers doesn’t add up to much unless government does its role of helping them to create jobs.

The writer is a Human Rights Activist
Contact mutasamste@yahoo.com
Tel: 0772-882547

ONE OF THESE DAYS KAMPALA WILL GROUND TO A HALT

2008-02-14T05:21:00.000-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Many cities in Africa face the problem of over crowding but Kampala’s traffic jam is undoubtedly getting out of hand. The situation is likely to get even worse because our planners and engineers are either sleeping or they think that the problem will solve itself in the long run. The most crowded city in terms of vehicles and human traffic in Africa is Lagos, the former capital city of Nigeria, with a vehicle population of over three million. Lagos is however more than ten times the size of Kampala.

In 1992 Uganda had 120,000 vehicles. In 2004, the number of registered vehicles had jumped to 465,574. By the end of last year the total number of registered vehicles was almost reaching 600,000. Of these 80% are based in Kampala and the surrounding areas. In March 2006, a total of 2,555 vehicles were registered, the highest that year. The average vehicles being licensed currently is about 2,300 every month and 100 every day. The reason why we have a lot of traffic jams is not because we have too many vehicles but because our roads are very narrow. They are like village foot paths. Where as importation of cars continue to rise, our roads almost remain unchanged. This is in addition to the fact that the roads are full of potholes.

Construction of new buildings without parking within the city centre continues unabated. Kampala’s Central Business District (CBD) which is about one Kilometer in radius, hosts up to 50,000 cars on a busy day. All these have to compete for parking space, human traffic, roadside traders, together with their merchandise, garbage and offloading trailers. Kampala has the narrowest roads you can find. One can ague that they were constructed a long time ago when cars were few. But even the new roads being constructed nowadays are not any different in size. The much hyped northern bypass, Wakaliga and Ggaba roads are so narrow, one may wonder what was going on in the mind of those who constructed them.

All the roads which bring in and take out traffic from the city are small that if, God forbid, Kampala caught fire, many of us would die in the inferno because we would all be fighting to get out using the available narrow roads. During morning and evening hours, all the roads that lead into and out of the suburbs have jams. Ntinda, Nakulabye, Gayaza, Bwaise, Nateete, Kabalagala, Makindye, Nakawa, Bugolobi, Namuwongo are all annoyingly jammed. Gone are the days when most people would shun to reside along Entebbe road because of the incessant traffic jams. Today, every area around the city has its fair share of traffic jams.

It takes an average of thirty minutes for one to get out of Kampala through all the major routes such as Bombo road, Masaka road, Ggaba road, Entebbe road and Jinja road. Perhaps the clearest show of incompetence and negligence on the part of our planners can be witnessed on two of our most important roads – Jinja and Entebbe roads. Because of their proximity to Kampala, in addition to being host to important installations namely power generation and an international airport, Jinja and Entebbe respectively experience a lot of traffic along their highways. The roads leading to these two towns are narrow as well. One would expect the two roads to have multiple lanes of up to six cars heading in each direction. Currently both roads have only one lane. No wonder there are too many accidents reported on both roads.

On Entebbe road, at the new Airport Road Hotel (Bwebajja), the proprietor has been allowed to construct a structure right next to the road. The same has happened on Jinja road where all the trading centres namely, Kireka, Bweyogerere, Seeta, Mukono etc are all built within the reserve of the highway. In the not so distant future, there will be traffic jam from Kampala up to Jinja and vice versa as the two towns continue to expand towards one another. The same will happen along the route of Entebbe.

One of the greatest achievements the Mayor of Kampala Al Hajji Nasser Ntege Ssebagala would have recorded during his term of office was if he had successfully relocated upcountry buses from accessing the city centre. Sebaggala’s idea of establishing bus terminals in the outskirts of the city where they could pick and drop passengers going and coming from upcountry was the best thing that was going to happen to Kampala in a very long time. He was however blocked by myopic and greedy politicians who were more interested in cashing in from their businesses in the short term. The politicians agued that Kikubo market which is the business hub of fast moving merchandise would collapse and that passengers would be inconvenienced in moving long distances to where the buses were to be relocated. How shallow their thinking was! The consequence of this has been a heightened human and motor vehicle traffic jams and almost total collapse of traffic movement around Baganda Bus Park and Nakivubo area. Passing through this area on any day, whether driving a personal car or walking tests one’s patience to the limit.

If the hotel which was to be constructed at former Shimon premises, together with Hilton hotel at former UBC premises had materialized, we would have had up to ten hotels within the vicinity of less than a kilometer from each other. The other hotels around this area are: Sheraton, Serena, Golf Course hotel at Garden City, Grand Imperial, Imperial Royal, Speke Hotel, Hotel Africana and a new hotel under construction near Centenary Park. I do not know why investors can not realize that most people prefer hotels which are far off from the hustle and bustle of the city. They prefer areas which are in a quiet setting. Common Wealth Resort (formerly Speke Resort) Munyonyo reaps big for hosting many international visitors because it is a distance away from the city centre. It seems Ugandans generally like squeezed places.

The problem of traffic jams require rapid expansion of transport infrastructure and radical thinking to meet the challenges at hand. Traditional thinking of constructing one lane carriage within the vicinity of the city need to be re-examined and new directions established to provide effective and sustainable transport system for current and future generations.

The writer is a Human Rights Activist
Contact mutasamste@yahoo.com
Tel: 0772-882547

STREET CHILDREN: JANET MUSEVENI’S LULLABY WILL KEEP THEM THERE

2008-02-14T05:11:00.002-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

First Lady Janet Museveni who also represents the people of Ruhaama County in Parliament was recently quoted in the media as having said that she is ashamed whenever she drives on Kampala streets and witnesses breast feeding mothers and street children. She said she thinks the reason why God put her into politics is to use this new found office to help these people. Janet sounded as though she had all of a sudden noticed the problem of street children. As if, all along they had not been there or that the problem had only gotten worse recently. Whether she meant what she said is up to her to decide in her heart. Whether she will succeed in taking off children from the streets is nothing but gamble, a preconceived failure.

All urban centers especially in developing countries have high numbers of street children but Uganda’s case has gone beyond imaginable proportions. Street children in Uganda are a manifestation of a failed system of political governance that would ordinarily direct resources to rural areas such that the children who would otherwise be attracted to stay on the streets in urban areas can comfortably eke a living in rural areas. Although life on the streets is difficult for these children, it is even harder for them in rural areas where they are not even sure of getting rotten bread and food left-over refuse that is readily available in many of Kampala’s uncollected garbage.

The condition of people living on the streets is not a choice these people make; it is rather a forced option that has been dictated upon them by the prevailing circumstances. Young girls for instance, who can not afford to look after their babies but at the same time can not fathom carrying out an abortion have only one option, to put such children on the street, at the mercy of the public and God. The common answer most researchers have received while asking street children as to why they choose to stay on the street rather than their homes has been that because there is neither food nor peace at home. There is no food at home because there is no money to buy it. At the same time there can’t be peace at home when there is no money. Parents quarrel and fight all night and the people who bear the consequences are the children. In some cases parents forcefully send their children to the streets while in other cases the children choose by themselves to run away hoping to get “peace” away from home.

Up until this point there have been many NGOs working with street children. There are more than fifty NGOs in Kampala and its environs alone. Various charities have used tremendous efforts in trying to work out a solution of eradicating the problem of street children. Their efforts have however been out rightly defeated. Pastor Robert Kayanja of miracle Centre Cathedral for instance, established a children’s home in Kapeeka Luweero in late 1990s to rehabilitate street children. The project started with a lot of vigour and vibrancy. Using his double Decker buses, his team would move around Kampala streets luring children with gifts and presents to jump on to the bus and take the opportunity of being taken to school, having better meals and clothing etc. the project registered tremendous success in its early years. Many children were indeed rehabilitated and some of them went on to become important people. Soon however, Kayanja realized that the project was not sustainable. It was like pouring water in a bottomless pit. The more the buses collected children the more new ones would pour on to the streets. Kayanja’s efforts were soon over stretched beyond measure and currently the project is in limbo.

Individual efforts like that of Kayanja are very important and welcome in dealing with the issue. However government’s deliberate policies of providing a conducive atmosphere for individual homes to develop would be more effective in stemming out the problem of street children. Janet is aware that the family is the fundamental unit of any society. What therefore happens at the family level will ultimately have an impact on the macro level of the entire country. Unless the issues of economic empowerment are squarely addressed in their entirety, the numbers of people living on the streets especially in Kampala is going to keep on increasing and Janet will keep talking.

Once in a while, KCC and government round up these children and put them on trucks to take them to Kampiringisa National Rehabilitation Centre (KNRC). One such operation was carried out in May 2002 spearheaded by the Ministry of Gender Labour and Social Development (MGLSD). Kampiringisa itself has been run down with dwindling budget allocations from the central government. At the same time, the rate at which the trucks were ferrying children there was higher than what the facilities could accommodate. As we talk now, KCC and MGLSD have decided to “look the other way” on the issue of street children as if it is no longer their concern. To make matters worse, street children in Kampala who had hitherto been from Kampala and its neighbouring areas have now been joined by children from Karamoja together with their mothers!

It is easy for Janet to talk and arouse people’s feelings hoping that something fundamental is going to happen soon that shall forever change for the better the lives of people living on the streets. It will take much more than mere talking to find a lasting solution to the problem of street children. In more specific terms Janet should direct her talk to the leader of the current government, who also happens to be her husband to reorient the government programmes from the current trend of emphasizing creation of middle class to a more realistic and meaningful approach of delivering services to those who need them most – the wanainchi and their children.

The writer is a Human Rights Activist
Contact mutasamste@yahoo.com
Tel: 0772-882547

NEW INSTITUTIONS, POLICY DOCUMENTS ARE STAGNATING UGANDA’S DEVELOPMENT

2008-02-14T05:11:00.001-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Any country’s development is determined by many indicators, most important of which is human development. Human (personal) development usually remains low when investment in infrastructure and social services is minimal. Development is a broad term that encompasses issues such as per capita income, infrastructure, employment levels, health and education of the population among others. There is no specific development model that is agreeable to everyone. Every country must employ what they perceive as the best means to achieve development. However there is a strong and positive casual link between the quality of administration of government on one hand and economic performance on the other.

To any critical analyst, the means the government of Uganda has chosen to use to achieve development serve contrary purposes. Formation and creation of new institutions, departments, districts and other organs has been the hallmark of the present government. For instance a new institution in the name of Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA) was formed recently leaving many of us to wonder whether this new institution will deliver meaningfully than its mother ministry (Works and Transport). I cannot talk about creation of new districts because this is a disaster in waiting for not only the planners of this country but future political leaders as well.

New institutions rarely bring new innovations. They only concentrate on developing documents and making reports that are hardly ever implemented. PMA, PEAP and Bonabagagawale are some of the huge documents that have been developed to guide the development process but have had little effect on the same. The development agenda has been blurred by too much and unnecessary paper work which is not only hard to implement but sometimes ends up confusing the would-be implementers and the people for whom the services are intended. Enough policy papers have been produced without corresponding efforts in making tangible implementation. The public has been fleeced by institutions through innumerable documents that hardly translate into development. Most times policy documents are overtaken by events and time, only for institutions to come up with revised editions and new policies altogether. PEAP for example which is regarded as the most comprehensive document by government aimed at eradicating poverty in the country, has since inception, remained a mere document. It has been revised more than two times. The other example is that of Ministry of health with more than 50 policy papers and programmes and unnecessarily many administrative staff at its headquarters who spend much of the time in workshops within the country and abroad.

According to the current (2007) UNDP Human Development Report, the priorities in public spending for the government of Uganda still leave a lot to be desired. In 2004, 2.8% of GDP was spent on health compared to 2.3% on the military and defence services excluding police and other security agencies.
Although government continues to blow its own trumpet on how it is doing well on education because of the introduction of Universal Primary Education (UPE) everything is not fine as it would want us to believe. A bigger chunk of UPE funds come from donors, let alone the fact that the quality of education especially in UPE schools continues to deteriorate due to large numbers of pupils per class. Between 2002-2005, government spent 5.2% of the country’s GDP on education. During the same period, our eastern neighbour Kenya, which had not introduced UPE then spent 6.7% on education. Rwanda has been for the last five years spending approximately 20% of its budget on infrastructure development especially roads, hospitals and schools. Apart from the money that was recently spent on beautifying Kampala city in preparation for CHOGM, the rest remains on paper (Greater Kampala Master Plan) without any definite programme on when actual implementation shall take place.

In spite of the fact that the three most important sectors (education, health and agriculture) are still under funded, even the little money that is allocated is never optimally utilised. The ministry of agriculture remains one of the most redundant ministries in the Uganda. Arguably, it receives the largest share of the government budget (over 10%). Of this 80% is spent on wages and salaries, cars, workshops and travel abroad. The reminder is allocated to county and sub county extension workers in purchase of motorcycles and fuel to monitor rural farmers’ performance and to provide the so called outreach services. I can authoritatively state that the government and the people of Uganda can comfortably live without the ministry of agriculture given its below average performance over the years.

Uganda’s poor performance in infrastructure development and sustenance can be explained by the adoption by government of inappropriate strategy of creating innumerable entities which are not viable. The notion that infrastructure development has now shifted from being a government responsibility to a responsibility of the private sector is a big mistake which is likely to lead to disproportionate development in different sectors of the economy. Where as for instance, the communication sector in Uganda today compares favourably with that in developed countries, the energy and transport sectors remain largely under developed. It is high time government wakes up to the fact that it takes more than talking and writing policies to develop a country. Policy papers can only serve as a guide towards achieving bigger goals. However important they may be, irrespective of what is written on them they will always remain what they have been - papers

The writer is a Human Rights Activist
Contact: mutasamste@yahoo.com
0772-882547

JUSTICE FOR THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTH IN UGANDA

2008-02-14T05:11:00.000-08:00

THE PATH THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTH TREAD TO GET JUSTICE IN UGANDA’S COURTS OF LAW

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

Two years ago, Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI), a local human rights watchdog visited Luzira and other government prisons to acquaint themselves with the conditions of incarceration centres in the country and to gauge the performance of Uganda prisons standards vis-à-vis the Standard Minimum Rules (SMR) for the treatment of prisoners (United Nations Treaties and guidelines). The revelations were stunning in as much as there had been improvements recorded over time. One of the most shocking revelations was that some prisoners had spent over three years on remand having never been produced in any court of law.

According to the findings 61% of 19,000 prisoners held in all government prisons countrywide were on remand in 2005. Over 90% of all prisoners have no knowledge on legal procedures while 67% of prisoners receive no legal advice throughout their trial. 70% of offenders are illiterate and are not aware of bail provisions. A large number of inmates cannot afford to pay bail funds which are in most cases exorbitant and thus are forced to return to prison as they await trial, which often comes at a snails pace.

Mind boggling as this may be the practice seems to be normal according to prison officials given the fact that the current scenario presents an improved picture of what was happening in the past where some prisoners were spending more than five years without trial. They said the delivery of justice and the conditions of prison facilities are continually improving.

Readers must note that the official gazetted maximum time for one to be presented to a competent court after arrest is 48 hours while the mandatory remand period is 360 days for capital offences and 120 days for petty offences. One can however ague that 48 hours is too short a time for the resource constrained justice system in Uganda to adhere to. But how can one justify a system that would stretch such a mandatory and constitutional provision to an obnoxious three years? I don’t know how many hours are in three years but they must be in millions. As if that is not enough, almost half of the people who are normally kept on remand for more than a year end up being released at their first appearance in court either due to lack of sufficient evidence or because they are found not guilty.

Because of staying long in prison which in most cases leads to poverty of the accused and members of their immediate families, coupled with ignorance of the law, hardly anyone has ever sued government for wrongful incarceration and denial of freedom of movement while they were in prison. The culprits normally celebrate their new found joy having lived in a prison environment for a very long time. The cycle of law enforcement agencies arresting and sending innocent people to prison keeps rotating because nobody challenges the status quo.

I don’t know how other people feel but there is nothing I abhor like injustice. I hate injustice with all my might, mind and energy. It makes me sick. Being accused falsely and staying in prison without being convicted nor sentenced is the second highest price one can pay, the highest being death itself. It is the worst form of injustice.

Now, parallel to this treatment offered to the poor and the wretched of the earth, there is a kind of justice that is given to the affluent and the mighty. They know the Law and have better connections to those in power. I am talking about people like those who were involved in the misappropriation of the now famous Global and GAVI funds. Despite the fact that there is incontrovertible evidence that money was stolen, the accused persons were arrested, brought before courts of law with in the prescribed mandatory period and charged. After a day or two they applied for bail which was granted without any hustle. The next are trivialities that will keep the public expecting the courts pronouncements on whether the accused are guilty or other wise, a judgement that is likely to take longer than the second coming of Jesus Christ.

Despite an assurance by the courts that the trial of the accused would be done expeditiously, so far there have been more than four adjournments with very flimsy excuses offered by both the courts and lawyers of the accused. This is termed as delaying tactics to weaken the case. The longer the case takes to adjudicate, the harder it becomes to present credible evidence to convict the accused. Lest I am accused of subjudice, (biasing courts of Law) I leave the reader to complete my thought about the ongoing trial of GAVI and global funds

Cases carefully investigated by police lead to expeditious trials. Expeditious trials are cost effective on the part of government and the accused. They make justice meaningful and not a mockery. They are assuring to the complainant, the accused and the public at large. To the poor and illiterate people on remand in prisons, justice delayed is justice denied. But to the rich, famous and well connected individuals, justice delayed is sweet delayed victory that awaits public outcry and anger to subside. It is a predetermined “not guilty verdict” that is known both to the accused and the court but waiting to be delivered at a distant date. It is a ridicule of justice in the real sense of international law and adjudication of judicial matters that negates the fundamental principal of “every one is equal before the Law”. It seems Raymond Chandler was right after all when he said “The law isn't justice. It's a very imperfect mechanism. If you press exactly the right buttons and are also lucky, justice may show up in the answer. A mechanism is all the law was ever intended to be.”

The writer is a Human Rights Activist
Contact mutasamste@yahoo.com
Tel: 0772-882547

MEDIA HAS DIFFERENT AGENDA FOR NORTHERN UGANDA

2008-02-14T05:05:00.000-08:00

By Mutabazi Sam Stewart

The Sunrise of 16th-23rd November 2007 had three pieces with titles “Ayena a danger to reconciliation” by Alpha Katz; “Stop rewarding rebels” by Onek Lazarus and “LRA treated like real Lords” by Mukiibi Sserunjogi. The three articles were the same in content with a general view that the LRA must never be forgiven because of the atrocities they committed in northern Uganda.

Until I read the above mentioned articles, I believed that journalists, especially those in Uganda are conversant with common knowledge that the media has a lot of influence on attaining peace in northern Uganda. I was further convinced that every journalist/media house is working towards achieving total peace in that part of the country. I now know that either the three authors were not aware of the consequences of what they wrote or they do not care altogether whether peace returns to the north or not. Dwight Eisenhower once wrote, "I like to believe that people in the long run are going to do more to promote peace than are governments. Indeed, I think that people want peace so much that one of these days governments had better get out of the way and let them have it." The message that has been repeated severally has been that people in the north are tired of war and anything; I repeat anything that can bring an end to their suffering would be a welcome relief to the people affected and the whole country at large. I share the same sentiment.

The semblance of peace that has come to northern Uganda in the last one year or so has made some people to think that Kony (LRA) has been completely decimated to the point of complete military incapacity to make any more attacks and incursions on the people and their property, something that is farfetched. This view is mainly being propagated by people who have been less affected by the war. They have never experienced the hallowing encounter that the people of northern Uganda have dealt with for more than two decades. I do not wholly blame some pessimists though because they can not fathom a scenario where Kony and his henchmen can be forgiven let alone reward them materially given the unimaginable atrocities they committed. It is hard to believe but it has to be done for the sake of peace.

It is important for people to know that Kony has the means and capacity to cause more havoc when peace fails because he has little to lose, yet on the other hand the affected people and the government have everything to lose. Only two LRA rebels are capable of causing mayhem in a whole village. There is a saying in one of the local languages that “A powerful person can kill your father and later take your mother as his wife”. The LRA can therefore be equated to the strong man because it has terrorized northern Uganda for a very long time.

The LRA does not have any credibility nor does it have the moral instinct to discern the importance of peace. Most of us should be grateful that they accepted to talk peace with government in the first place. People like Alpha Katz must swallow their pride and rally all Ugandans to the side of peace and reconciliation rather than agitating for harsh punishment for LRA which may lead to bloodshed and instability once more. The LRA has never and can never spare anyone’s life. The evidence of this is the rumour that Kony may have actually killed his second in command Vincent Otti. If this is true, then who would be safe when peace talks collapse? I am personally convinced that when the worst of the worst comes to bear, Kony can kill himself if that is what it would take to show to Ugandans and the current regime that he is heartless. He does not value life.

Northern Uganda has so far tested the benefits of the peace. This lull of peace, truth be told, has been due to the on going negotiations in Juba. It would be reckless for anybody to agitate and call for the reversal of this winning formula in support of the military option which did not bring peace in twenty years. The opportunity cost of not forgiving LRA is too high to pay. We cannot trust government’s pronouncements that ‘with or without peace talks peace will return to northern Uganda’. The negotiation process may take long but its benefits that will accrue are worth the waiting. Reconciliation and forgiveness to an adversary is a hard thing to do but war with its attendant effects is even a harder option.

The scars of the victims of the war will take long to heal but if peace is given chance, the rebels will not have an excuse of inflicting more pain on to new and old victims. Peace does not have a price but the price of war is too high to measure, more so if such a war has taken too long a time, displaced too many a people, uprooted and distorted to many a culture and caused untold suffering and hopelessness.

This is not to suggest that Ugandans should not recount the experiences that people in the north underwent during war. Truth must be told if the region is to have long lasting peace and for reconciliation and co-existence to occur. This must however be done with a lot of humility and humbleness so as to arouse the minimum resentment and arrogance on both sides. The fact that the LRA has been asking for forgiveness for the atrocities they committed is a good starting point. It is morally wrong to refuse to forgive someone who has asked in a sincere manner to be forgiven because then the one who is asking to be forgiven may resort to other means or may become adamant. Whether the LRA is sincere in apologizing for their crimes remains to be seen. This will specifically depend on whether the current peace obtaining in the region will last without any new attacks.
Let me end with a quotation from Louis Lecoin ; "If it were proved to me that in making war, my ideal had a chance of being realized, I would still say 'no' to war. For one does not create a human society on mounds of corpses." The LRA rebellion has created more than mounds of corpses and its time journalists and the media gave peace a chance

***The writer is a freelance human rights activist